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jokowi (1 followers)

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Bulletins and News Discussion from July 7th to July 13th, 2025 - Sanctions on Russia: The Sequel

Southeast Asia and the ‘middle democracy’ trap TLDR: Liberals in Southeast Asia are much more sophisticated in hiding their class affinities than those in the West. ::: spoiler the article with commentary In Brief The position of democracy in Southeast Asia has fluctuated since the Asian Financial Crisis, with democratic concerns gaining prominence in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, particularly showcased in countries like Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia. But a recent shift toward prioritising economic development over democratic values has been observed, largely due to changes in global politics and the retreat of the United States from democracy promotion, leaving Thailand as the only exception to this trend with its continued struggle for political reform. A familiar trope in the analysis of Southeast Asian politics is that development is a more urgent concern than democratisation. Popular pressures to increase democratic inclusion and protect democratic institutions may periodically arise. But the more fundamental and constant worry of Southeast Asia’s governments and citizens is thought to be making development—not democracy—work. For the Western observer who live their lives on the throne of the blood and skulls of the colonized, Global South aspirations of development seem idealistic and nonsensical. But when you have lived in the villages tucked away in the jungles, with no running water or electricity, it becomes real, not rhetorical - something material that needs changing. This was certainly true for the authoritarian regimes that dominated Southeast Asia throughout the Cold War period. Overcoming the historical hindrances and humiliations of colonialism meant that catching up with ‘the West’ or ‘the global North’ became the prime postcolonial imperative in anti-communist authoritarian regimes like Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. They all dreamt of following in Japan’s development footsteps. It eventually became true in the reformed communist regimes of Vietnam and Cambodia as well. They sought to accompany China on its path from Second World to First. For a professor of political science, you seem to jumble your words. The anti-communist states of Southeast Asia were Third World - not Second - and only Singapore was the only country who wanted to uncritically ascend and claim to “First World”. Here is also where falling-back to a generalising “Southeast Asian” umbrella without addressing the specificities that characterise the political-economy of each country results in an analysis without the facts, or in other words, a writing without meaning. Yet in the quarter-century roughly following the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997–98, concerns about democracy came to loom much larger. A ‘regime cleavage’ within the elite and electorate alike thus came to characterise political competition in Southeast Asia’s wealthiest capitalist societies by the early 21st century. This was especially true in Indonesia, where an exceedingly punishing economic downturn undid Suharto’s personalistic dictatorship and ushered in a competitive multiparty democracy. Malaysia experienced a vicious crackdown on reformist forces in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis, but reformist forces refused to fade. Thailand was no stranger to mass democratic protest—popular will prevailed over military rule in 1973 and 1992, with big assists from the widely beloved King Bhumipol Adulyadej. But the Asian Financial Crisis prompted constitutional reforms aimed at enhancing the electoral connection between voters and politicians. History to liberals marks semi-connected events portrayed to them by mainstream media without any sort of introspection, which is why they are always wrong, having only gotten 5% of the entire picture. After the wildly popular—and wildly unpopular—Thaksin Shinawatra was toppled in a 2006 coup, Thai politics fractured along the ‘yellow’ side of militarist, monarchist oligarchy and the ‘red’ side of inclusive and energetic populism. Malaysia saw questions of democratic reform rise in relevance with the launching of the Bersih movement for electoral integrity in that same year. Indonesia’s 2014 and 2019 elections seemed to hold democracy’s survival in the balance, with Joko Widodo the final rampart against strongman Prabowo Subianto’s ascendance to the presidency. Even in Singapore, the historically weak opposition to the ruling People’s Action Party gained headway in the 2010s largely by promising to constitute a solid procedural opposition in the city-state’s pseudo-democratic institutions. It would be a stretch to say that democracy had displaced development in the driver’s seat by the 2010s. Still, the fate of democracy certainly loomed larger in election campaigns in the first two decades of the 21st century than the final two decades of the 20th. Democracy in the Global South is a perpetual victim that needs saving from the United States - this I think more accurately characterises the article’s position than the idealistic bubble it tries to insulate itself with. But now, democracy is firmly back in the back seat. This is of course not merely a regional story. Donald Trump’s second, far more aggressively authoritarian presidency in the United States starting in early 2025 has taken democracy promotion entirely off the global agenda. This marks a definitive end to a global era. If democratic concerns are to play any meaningful role in any country’s politics, it can only be through domestic dynamics, not geopolitical pressure or transnational diffusion. The ‘democracy versus autocracy’ framing of world politics so favoured by US administrations from Bush to Biden is dead and buried. Perhaps an indirect admittance that colour revolution tactics elsewhere in the world failed to gained any sort of relevance in Southeast Asia. But regardless, this sort of “apolitical” “democracy promotion” throughout this article absolves the role of the United States in enacting economic siege on Southeast Asian economies, and blames the plight of under-development as merely inevitable. Will this lead to any thorough introspection of what democracy means beside the mainstream liberal understanding of “procedures”? I doubt it. Development is again sidelining democracy in Southeast Asia. The United States’ retreat from global leadership means that Southeast Asian nations will now maximise their economic ties to China, Europe and other Asian economies with less geopolitical hesitation. US tariffs on China will likely divert more lucrative investment projects to the region. As China begins transitioning from its unsustainable export-dependent economy to a domestic demand-driven growth model, Southeast Asian exporters will be first in line to feed the world’s most massive market. Indonesia and Malaysia are currently the most vivid examples of what happens when development sidelines democracy in national politics. Indonesia’s 2024 presidential election saw questions of democracy become almost entirely irrelevant. Prabowo’s nice-guy makeover allowed him to ride on Jokowi’s long coattails—lengthened by Indonesia’s strong economy—to a comfortable victory. In Malaysia, the opposition’s fight to displace the long-ruling Barisan Nasional coalition has produced a government which acts like it has no latitude to pursue deeper democratising reforms. At times it seems as if cost of living is the only political issue that matters in Malaysia, much like in neighbouring Singapore. How much does this guy make writing articles about how the poors care too much about living and not much about crossing a paper every 5 years? The fascinating exception to this trend is Thailand. Among Southeast Asia’s upper-middle-income countries, Thailand is at once the least democratic and the one where democracy still matters the most. Young voters in particular remain deeply committed to replacing the military–monarchy alliance with a far more democratic and inclusive political arrangement. In current times when external pressures for democratisation have evaporated, Thailand is the only Southeast Asian middle-income country where homegrown forces are pressing hard enough for a democratic breakthrough to threaten authoritarian elites’ entrenched interests. You mean the country that suffered the most under the Asian Financial Crisis, now poorer than China, dealing with multiple instabilities at its borders, is the country in which political mobilisation is much more established? Color me shocked! The lesson is an ironic one. When authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia stonewall on democratic reforms, they keep democracy at the forefront of the political agenda. When they concede even partial democratic reforms, politics is largely reduced to the quotidian demands of cost-of-living politics, which does not threaten political or economic elites in the slightest. The overall picture appears to be a ‘middle-democracy trap’ to accompany the ‘middle-income trap’. You all get paid to speak nonsense. which does not threaten political or economic elites in the slightest The irony is so painful it’s searing my eyeballs. The narrowing of political discourse between democracy and selective US foreign policy choices is about what I expected for the filth called the East Asian Forum. I critically support Amerikan (and in this case, Australian aswell) Academia in directly stunting and hampering effective countermeasures to Global South autonomy. Dan Slater is the James Orin Murfin Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for Emerging Democracies at the University of Michigan. Midwest freak needs to go fishing instead of wasting everyone’s time talking about topics outside their intellectual capability. :::

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jokowi

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Bulletins and International News Discussion from September 15th to September 21st, 2025 - Democracy By Discord - COTW: Nepal

Although the protests have reduced in severity, I have been rummaging through Indonesian articles and statements. Aside from the one I linked prior, this other statement published on 2025-09-05 may also be helpful. I will only highlight some important aspects. Organise and channel people’s anger through an alternative political leadership! The statement is organized to easily accessible subheadings, and so I’ve condensed some parts into spoilers below, but as always I recommend reading the entire thing to not only understand the national context, but to critically read through headlines and slogans and understand the essence of what is being said. ::: spoiler Factor Four: The general constellation of bourgeois politics It has been a common assumption that the “political marriage” between Jokowi and Prabowo which ensured his presidential election victory would not last long. For Prabowo, any path had to be taken to become part of the ruling bourgeois. For Jokowi, who climbed to power not as part of the old national bourgeoisie, everything had to be done to ensure his political power could be sustained and continued. Even if it meant violating the Constitution and betraying his old allies. Essentially, in any bourgeois political union, the law of competition and conflict in the quest to be the most dominant is the iron law of their class interests. Political dominance paves the way for the accumulation and dominance of capital. This political union is no longer sustained by the stratagem of accommodating positions and money. There is not enough budget to continuously finance political accommodation, as seen in the analysis of the economic conditions. The Prabowo-Jokowi political union has for several months shown latent cracks, including: Prabowo’s inaction on the issue of accusations that Jokowi’s university diploma is a fake, Prabowo’s inaction on calls for Gibran’s impeachment by several retired Indonesian Military (TNI) officers, Jokowi’s ally and business tycoon Riza Chalid being named a corruption suspect, the limitations on State-Owned Enterprises (SOE) Minister Erick Tohir’s power and authority, the deployment of the TNI to back up the Attorney General’s Office to confront the police, and the struggle over the portion of functions and authorities in the Draft Criminal Code (RKUHAP), are facts that must be seen as friction and cracks between the old and new rulers. Since Prabowo-Gibran were inaugurated, two major issues have followed them to this day: first, the issue that Prabowo will be overthrown before his second year in power and replaced by Gibran; second, that Prabowo’s political consolidation will be completed in the first year, followed by the removal of Jokowi’s and Gibran’s cronies from the government and state institutions. Both issues have become more rampant since August 25. Although the “ball” has not directed at Prabowo since August 25 and the peak of the protests and riots on August 30. Accompanied by National Police Chief General Listyo Sigit Prabowo (no relation), Prabowo stated he “will not back down” and accused the week-long protests of being acts of treason and terrorism. Prabowo’s statement actually strengthens public suspicion that the moment was used to point the finger at his competitors, rather than admitting his own inability to solve the problems. As a result, the suspicion about the removal of Jokowi’s cronies has become even stronger… ::: ::: spoiler Factor Five: State of the left-wing, people’s and civil society movements The left-wing movement, the people’s movement, and the coalition of civil society organisations can be said to have been caught off guard by the speed of the recent political escalation, which was indeed beyond their reach and control. It is clear that the events of the last week were not initiated by these movements. Although most of them intervened after August 25. However, it is clear that this political escalation was not yet able be led by the left-wing movement, the people’s movements or civil society organisations. The weakness of the left movement, especially the left that emerged from the pre-1998 spectrum, is due to mass demoralisation, divisions, ideological decline and the failure to become a political channel for the masses. The post-1998 spectrum left movement also has relatively less experience and political skill in assessing situations and facing political developments. Added to this is the massive trend of growth in radical petty-bourgeois individuals and communities who consider the led and organised struggle within left-wing parties as an outdated model of struggle. The left movement today is more diverse and fragmented. Rather than viewing this pessimistically, this diversity can be an opportunity and a strength if it can overcome the fragmentation and find minimum agreement on programs and tactics. The growth of people’s movement organisations (labour, peasant, student and urban poor) has actually become more widespread and expansive since 1998. However, due to the lack of left-wing leadership, the transformation of the people’s movement from a social movement into a political movement has been hampered and slow. It has been less able to move quickly to intervene in moments and see windows of opportunity to accelerate mass consciousness and increase political escalation towards programmatic movement politics. Civil society organisations actually have better infrastructure than the previous two movements. They are known by the media and have extensive networks although they do not have a broad mass base. Their tendency to limit their struggle to minimum demands for reform and easily achievable goals makes it difficult for them to lead and organise the revulsion and anger of the masses. ::: ::: spoiler How do we respond and what must we do? Although this position and stance can be said to be belated, it is certainly important for it to be explained as an understanding for the next dynamic. It is certainly important for us to respond to this political escalation with clarity of thought, vigilance and a clear position. And to dismiss the subjectivity that exaggerates mass consciousness and dynamics by declaring “the revolution is at the door”. Such recklessness would be fatal for the organisation, unity and struggle of the people. Therefore, objectivity must always be our guiding principle. From the explanation above, there are several things the movement must do: First, there is a need for a leadership strategy that manifests as a centre for political consolidation among a combination of the left-wing movement, the people’s movements and civil society organisations. A minimum agreement among these three elements is better than no agreement at all and no central consolidation whatsoever. Without a central consolidation, even one with a democratic-reformist character, we cannot expect there to be a democratic leadership that can become a pole of attraction, let alone hope for a revolutionary leadership. Second, a grassroots strategy. Although social media is the fastest means to disseminate ideas and narratives to the people, the building of territorial, village and factory-level resistance committees is the best basis for establishing resistance organisations and forums for democracy, coordination and public education. The design of resistance organisations is best built physically (offline) rather than virtually (online). Third, in the current situation, the battle between true and false narratives is very swift. An integrated and easily understood campaign is needed to counter the false narratives being spread. One that is fast, accurate, factual, engaging, easy to understand, and massive, organised collectively and integrated, is the key. Fourth, workers must be radicalised and mobilised from both territorial and sectoral areas, and then organised systematically by continuously encouraging and training the leadership of the progressive labour movement as a more organised sector so that it is not easily infiltrated and pitted against itself. :::

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jokowidodo

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Bulletins and News Discussion from August 25th to August 31st, 2025 - The Limits of Electoralism - COTW: Bolivia

Not directly answering the question but here’s some additional contexts: Prabowo was Suharto’s son-in-law, and was heavily involved in the Indonesian race riots against ethnic Chinese in 1998 in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis. Some Indonesian Chinese wary of Prabowo Subianto amid painful memories of 1998 riots SCMP The president-elect had previously admitted to being involved in the kidnapping of student democracy activists While some older Chinese Indonesians oppose Prabowo, other younger voters are willing to look past the country’s dark history and support him … “Back then [in 2014 and 2019], we voted for Jokowi to prevent Prabowo from winning,” said Suwondo. The 65-year-old retiree said many Chinese Indonesians suspected that the former general played a key role in the May 1998 riots, which occurred at the height of the Asian Financial Crisis and led to the resignation of the dictator Suharto, who was Prabowo’s father-in-law at the time. Funny that China invited him to attend the Victory Day parade considering the anti-communist and anti-Chinese past. Well, looks like he’s not going to make it now.

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jokowinterscheidt

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jokowitepatijanji

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What It’s Like to Work for the Billionaire Nickel King

Indonesian labor activist Raraa Rahmawati at the We the 99% People’s Summit, Johannesburg, South Africa, November 21, 2025. Photo: Sarah Anderson. Electric vehicle sales are rising rapidly around the world. But few people who purchase these cars know anything about the workers who produce them. Labor activist Raraa Rahmawati is trying to change that for one group of e-vehicle supply chain workers: the more than 230,000 Indonesians who toil in the nickel mining and processing industry. Recently, she reported on the reality of these workers’ lives at an international “People’s Summit” held parallel to the G20 leaders meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa. Indonesia boasts the world’s largest reserves of nickel, a key component of the lithium batteries that power electric vehicles. To capture more of the value of this essential mineral, the national government banned raw nickel exports in 2020. This has triggered a boom in domestic nickel processing. Who’s benefiting most from this boom? The Chinese firm Tsingshan ranks as the top investor in Indonesia’s nickel processing operations. The company has contracts to supply car-makers around the world, including a $5 billion deal with Tesla. Tsingshan’s founder and chairman, Xiang Guangda, has accumulated a fortune worth an estimated $3.7 billion. Known as the “Nickel King,” the Chinese tycoon closely guards his privacy. But Bloomberg last year spilled one revealing tidbit: that Xiang had purchased a $62 million mansion for his daughter in Singapore. The contrast between the living and working conditions for Xiang’s family and his employees could not be more extreme. Rahmawati works with an organization, Sembada Bersama, that is documenting the severe workplace hazards in this industry. In a new report, Sembada Bersama reveals disturbing information about the Indonesia Weda Bay Industrial Park, a massive nickel mining and smelting complex in a former rainforest in the northern part of the Maluku Islands. Tsingshan owns the largest share of the project. The most disturbing finding: an apparent pattern of “sudden deaths” among the plant’s workers, who are mostly 25 to 35 years old. Nearly every worker Sembada Bersama interviewed was aware of these tragic incidents. Rahmawati said that while lack of transparency and oversight make it impossible to prove, these deaths are likely the result of cardiac arrests related to grueling working conditions. Smelter operators typically work two 12-hour shifts over two days, often having to rotate between day and night shifts, with a third day off. To document additional hazards, Sembada Bersama collaborated with workers to take meter readings inside the smelters. The data they collected reveal workplace heat temperatures of as high as 108.5 degrees, excessive levels of inhalable dust particles that can cause respiratory disease and cancer, and noise levels high enough to cause permanent hearing loss. These occupational health risks come on top of the Indonesian nickel industry’s devastating environmental costs and high accident rates. Two years ago, an explosion at a Tsingshan plant left 21 workers dead. Tsingshan recently signed an agreement with the United Nations Industrial Development Organization to improve ecological practices and industrial skills training at its Indonesia operations. This suggests the firm is feeling some pressure. But with few alternative job opportunities, local communities and workers remain vulnerable to the enormous power of Tsingshan and other nickel corporations. The Sembada Bersama report ends with detailed recommendations for the Indonesian government and corporations. Rahmawati also argues that the hazards in her country’s nickel industry are part of the broader problem of a global economy rigged to favor the wealthy. International solidarity and cooperation, she feels, will be key to unrigging the system. “People who buy electric cars think they’re contributing to a ‘just transition’ away from fossil fuels,” she told the international crowd in Johannesburg. “But they should know this is really just another form of extractivism. We need a cross-border movement. It’s time for us to be united.” The post What It’s Like to Work for the Billionaire Nickel King appeared first on CounterPunch.org. From CounterPunch.org via this RSS feed

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What It’s Like to Work for the Billionaire ‘Nickel King’

Electric vehicle sales are rising rapidly around the world. But few people who purchase these cars know anything about the workers who produce them. Labor activist Raraa Rahmawati is trying to change that for one group of e-vehicle supply chain workers: the more than 230,000 Indonesians who toil in the nickel mining and processing industry. Recently, she reported on the reality of these workers’ lives at an international “People’s Summit” held parallel to the G20 leaders meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa. Indonesia boasts the world’s largest reserves of nickel, a key component of the lithium batteries that power electric vehicles. To capture more of the value of this essential mineral, the national government banned raw nickel exports in 2020. This has triggered a boom in domestic nickel processing. Who’s benefiting most from this boom? The Chinese firm Tsingshan ranks as the top investor in Indonesia’s nickel processing operations. The company has contracts to supply car-makers around the world, including a $5 billion deal with Tesla. Tsingshan’s founder and chairman, Xiang Guangda, has accumulated a fortune worth an estimated $3.7 billion. Known as the “Nickel King,” the Chinese tycoon closely guards his privacy. But Bloomberg last year spilled one revealing tidbit: that Xiang had purchased a $62 million mansion for his daughter in Singapore. The contrast between the living and working conditions for Xiang’s family and his employees could not be more extreme. Rahmawati works with an organization, Sembada Bersama, that is documenting the severe workplace hazards in this industry. In a new report, Sembada Bersama reveals disturbing information about the Indonesia Weda Bay Industrial Park, a massive nickel mining and smelting complex in a former rainforest in the northern part of the Maluku Islands. Tsingshan owns the largest share of the project. The most disturbing finding: an apparent pattern of “sudden deaths” among the plant’s workers, who are mostly 25 to 35 years old. Nearly every worker Sembada Bersama interviewed was aware of these tragic incidents. Rahmawati said that while a lack of transparency and oversight make it impossible to prove, these deaths are likely the result of cardiac arrests related to grueling working conditions. Smelter operators typically work two 12-hour shifts over two days, often having to rotate between day and night shifts, with a third day off. To document additional hazards, Sembada Bersama collaborated with workers to take meter readings inside the smelters. The data they collected reveal workplace heat temperatures of as high as 108.5 degrees, excessive levels of inhalable dust particles that can cause respiratory disease and cancer, and noise levels high enough to cause permanent hearing loss. These occupational health risks come on top of the Indonesian nickel industry’s devastating environmental costs and high accident rates. Two years ago, an explosion at a Tsingshan plant left 21 workers dead. Tsingshan recently signed an agreement with the United Nations Industrial Development Organization to improve ecological practices and industrial skills training at its Indonesia operations. This suggests the firm is feeling some pressure. But with few alternative job opportunities, local communities and workers remain vulnerable to the enormous power of Tsingshan and other nickel corporations. The Sembada Bersama report ends with detailed recommendations for the Indonesian government and corporations. Rahmawati also argues that the hazards in her country’s nickel industry are part of the broader problem of a global economy rigged to favor the wealthy. International solidarity and cooperation, she feels, will be key to unrigging the system. “People who buy electric cars think they’re contributing to a ‘just transition’ away from fossil fuels,” she told the international crowd in Johannesburg. “But they should know this is really just another form of extractivism. We need a cross-border movement. It’s time for us to be united.” The post What It’s Like to Work for the Billionaire ‘Nickel King’ appeared first on Inequality.org. From Inequality.org via this RSS feed

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[UNOFFICIAL MIRROR: This is a view of Twitter using ActivityPub]

Akun Twitter resmi Presiden Republik Indonesia Joko Widodo 🇮🇩.
#MenujuIndonesiaMaju

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Bulletins and News Discussion from August 14th to August 20th, 2023 - America's War On Pipelines

::: spoiler expand More Koreans to suffer from ‘climate depression’: experts^ANN^ Young people reject partisan bickering^ANN^ The situation in South Korea is approaching the highly polarized situation in the US, where political camps cannot even have a discussion based on commonly accepted facts. From climate change to COVID-19 to illegal immigration, Democrats and Republicans in the US cannot have a rational discussion about how to deal with the pressing issues of the day. In the end, this undermines democracy. In 1792, Alexander Hamilton summed up the dangers of partisanship succinctly: “The truth unquestionably is, that the only path to a subversion of the republican system of the Country is, by flattering the prejudices of the people, and exciting their jealousies and apprehensions, to throw affairs into confusion, and bring on civil commotion.” :matt-jokerfied: Biden ready to meet Kim without preconditions, Kirby says^AM^ “They [North Korea] have not responded positively to that offer, but it’s still on the table. We are willing to sit down and negotiate without preconditions,” Kirby told the Japanese news agency Kyodo. Household wealth rose in Singapore, defying downtrend elsewhere: UBS-Credit Suisse report^ANN^ Indonesia’s per capita income to double in next decade, Jokowi predicts^ANN^ Indonesia, Singapore debut linked cross-border QR payment system^ANN^ Indonesia delays $20bn green plan, after split with rich nations on grants and new coal plants^CCN^ Indonesia has delayed the launch of a $20 billion clean energy plan as it needs more time to bridge divisions with wealthy donor nations on financing terms and new coal plants. Australia identifies 5 mines of lithium, cobalt for India^Bilaterals^ Hyundai takes over General Motors plant in India^ANN^ Gig workers in India are exposed to highly polluted air and carcinogens, finds preliminary study^Mongabay^ India may import wheat from Russia at discount^ANN^ India to buy a record 9mn tonnes of discounted Russian wheat to head off domestic price spike^BNE^ Myanmar eyes surge in rice exports after India curbs supply^ANN^ 2 US House members visit Solomon Islands but prime minister is ‘unavailable’ for meeting^SCMP^ lmfao. Africa Niger coup is doomed to “failure” - Nicolas Sarkozy^AN^ Daily survival becomes a struggle for Niger residents^AN^ France’s colonial legacy, US’ security concerns intersect in Niger; Russians at the gates look for new hunting grounds^Bhadrakumar^ ECOWAS defense chiefs meet on deployment of standby force to Niger^CGTN^ At least 36 Nigerian soldiers killed in ambush, helicopter crash^AN^ There will be no further increase in petrol price - Tinubu^AN^ These reassurances come in response to warnings from certain oil marketers predicting a third increase in petrol prices since the president’s assumption of office in late May. These projections stem from Nigeria’s ongoing foreign exchange challenges. Angolan president João Lourenço pledges more diverse funding for investment in southern Africa^EN^ Tanzanian farmers benefit from introduction of Chinese agricultural technology^PD^ Over 60 dead in migrant boat sinking off Cape Verde coast^AN^ Libya: release of the leader of the militia at the center of the fighting^AN^ Chad: outbreak of a dengue “epidemic” in the east (health minister)^AN^ South Africa opposition parties join forces in bid to unseat ruling ANC^AN^ Senegal: Sonko on life support according to his lawyers and his party^AN^ Several government officials interviewed by AFP declined to confirm or deny that Mr. Sonko, a declared candidate in the 2024 presidential election, had been admitted to intensive care. He was jailed at the end of July on various charges, including calling for insurrection, criminal association in connection with a terrorist enterprise, and undermining state security. Sonko, who claims to be the target of a plot to keep him out of the presidential election, went on hunger strike on July 30. The authorities questioned whether he was strictly observing the strike. North America Three largest U.S. airlines to double flights to China^CGTN^ US to impose tariffs on tin mill steel from China, Canada and Germany^SCMP^ The US Commerce Department on Thursday said it will impose preliminary anti-dumping duties on tin-plated steel imports from Canada, Germany and China, sparing several other countries in a decision that drew some relief from food can manufacturers that had feared higher tariffs. The department said the highest preliminary anti-dumping duties of 122.5 per cent will be imposed on tin mill steel imported from China, including the country’s largest producer, Baoshan Iron and Steel. No duties will be imposed on the shiny silver metal – widely used in cans for food, paint, aerosol products and other containers – imported from Britain, the Netherlands, South Korea, Taiwan and Turkey, the Commerce Department added. CW: suicide, prisons Suicide Watch Incidents in Louisiana Prisons Spike by Nearly a Third on Extreme Heat Days, a New Study Finds^ICN^ The number of suicide watch incidents in Louisiana prisons increased by 30 percent on extreme heat days, a recently published study in the JAMA Journal found. Researchers from Emory University analyzed data from 2015 to 2017 to examine how the heat index related to suicide watch incidents in six prisons. At the time, only one had air conditioning. end CW As EU Weans Itself From Russian Energy, U.S. Shale Gas Industry Pushes New LNG Export Plant in Pennsylvania^DeSmog^ US judge declines to block Florida law restricting Chinese from buying property^SCMP^ A US federal judge blocked a request on Thursday for temporary relief against a Florida law that restricts Chinese citizens from purchasing property in the state. The ruling by US District Judge Allen Winsor in Tallahassee, Florida, against granting the preliminary injunction means the state law will remain in effect until the court decides on the merits of the case. The designated countries of concern were China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela and Syria. U.S. gas prices hit 10-month highs amid tighter supplies, heatwaves^PD^ Giuliani Was in the Running to Be Trump’s Attorney General. His Authoritarian Rule as Mayor Suggests a Nightmare Outcome^WSoP^ Mega Banks Take Down Stock Prices after a Fitch Warning About a Possible Downgrade to JPMorgan Chase and Its Peers^WSoP^ Teamsters and Auto Workers Are Raising the Bar for Contract Campaigns^LN^ In UAW’s Negotiations With the Big Three Automakers, Ending Tiers Is a Central Demand^Jacobin^ Safe staffing, wage hike in new pact for 8,000 NYC nurses^PW^ U.S. East Palestine residents endure toxic train wreck ordeal^PD^ How Maui’s wildfires became the country’s deadliest in more than a century^PW^ Maui’s deadly fires: Government failures and disaster capitalism^GL^ Maui wildfire devastation exposes the legacy of colonialism^MR^ Amid Maui fire devastation, Big Oil tries to kill Hawaii climate lawsuit^RNN^ As the Hawaiian island of Maui is reeling from the deadliest U.S. wildfire in over a century, the Hawaii Supreme Court on Thursday is set to hear fossil fuel giants’ request to dismiss a climate liability lawsuit filed by the City and County of Honolulu on Oahu. :::

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jokowimaruf2019

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Bulletins and News Discussion from September 1st to September 7th, 2025 - Defending the Revolution - COTW: Venezuela

I don’t know enough to give a confident answer about the particular politics but I can give a general picture. I think there is just a lack of organization, or in other words, a concrete movement that are able to organise around class and apply any semblance of pressure in Indonesia. As much as it has experienced some level of industrialization, it suffers from this top-down level push and so ultimately the economy suffers from uneven development and there is no consensus being built to actually holistically build up the productive forces for example. It’s emblematic of a lot of Global South development, where conventional wisdom suggests a technocratic elite is all is needed for a country to be successful. You just need the technical know-how of industrial capitalism, they say, but without considering the underlying mass organisation needed to protect it from imperialist attack. That’s why financialization and rentierism (mislabelled as “corruption”) has sunken its teeth into many SEA economies. Jokowi’s reign was quiet on the media end, but many of the Indonesia’s problems, whether economic, or national/ethnic/religious, still boils under the surface, just like in India or Nigeria. I am unsure if the distinction and description you provided between the two presidents is fully justified, but ultimately, to be an annoying communist, it’s because of capitalism. I’ll refer to an article by Arah Juang, that published articles in both Indonesian and English. The People Are Strangled by Taxes! The Political Elite’s Privileges Are Skyrocketing! Crush the Political Elite! The Prabowo-Gibran regime continues Jokowi’s accelerated remilitarization efforts. In general, Indonesia’s political elites have a weak faith in democracy and are cowardly in confronting the military. The 1998 Reformation, or democratic transformation against militarism, was incomplete. Political elites, including the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and others, betrayed the 1998 Reformation. The ABRI faction was abolished, but many other elements remained, from extra-territorial commands to various military businesses and companies. The strengthening of militarism also served to protect this policy of allocating power. Similarly, various new legal instruments were created to support it, such as the RKUHP (Criminal Code), the RKUHAP (Procedural Code), the TNI (Indonesian National Armed Forces) Bill, and policies related to general elections. Meanwhile, various legal instruments were created to strengthen the distribution of economic power to political elites, such as the Job Creation Law, the Minerba Law, and so on. …Protest after protest that continuously erupted. August 13, 2025, Pati residents held a large-scale movement, organised by the United Pati Community Alliance, in front of the Regent’s Office. They demanded the cancellation of the PBB-P2 or Rural and Urban Area, and, Land and Building Tax increase and the removal of the Regent’s position. Tax protests then spread to other areas, with demonstrations occurring in at least Bone, Cirebon, and Cianjur. On August 25, protests began in major cities, primarily protesting high taxes and the privileges gained by members of the House of Representatives (DPR). Demonstration took place in Medan, Jakarta, Pontianak, and Surabaya. Regarding the issue of democracy in Papua, on August 27, 2025, Sorong residents organized a demonstration at the Sorong Police Headquarters. The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) deployed 150 personnel, including two armored vehicles, to the protest site. Police sprayed the crowd with tear gas. By the end of the demonstration, at least 12 Sorong residents were arrested and several demonstrators were injured. Authorities also shot a motorcycle taxi driver who was inspecting conditions on Jalan Sudirman. …The readiness and accuracy of a revolutionary organization in responding to and leading such movement do not depend on its spontaneity but rather on the constructed historical character of that revolutionary organization. Which includes the correctness of its struggle program, its ideological perspective, and the traditions of leadership cultivated within the organization. If a revolutionary organization is built on the basis of only promoting normative issues or simply participating in actions, it is will likely get trapped in merely follow the steps of spontaneous movements. Likewise, if a revolutionary organization becomes stuck only theory work without ever practicing leadership, it will struggle to provide leadership in spontaneous movements. It is precisely during this non-revolutionary period that the work of building a revolutionary organization becomes crucial and important as it will be too late to build once the movement, uprise, or revolutionary situation occurs. By then, the revolutionary organization must be in a state of readiness to launch action at any moment. This is a situation where something that took years to build can drastically change in a few days or even hours. However, to be tactically flexible, one must truly possess what can be called tactics. Without a strong revolutionary organization, tested in political struggle across all situations and times, it is impossible for a systematic action plan to be considered a tactic. Tactics must be guided by strong principles and executed steadfastly, qualities derived from a strong and tested revolutionary organization. Said Iqbal’s alignment with the authorities was displayed during May Day when he gave access Prabowo to speak, hold hands, and danced with workers. Said Iqbal’s statement misdirect the blame and perpetrators of the violence. Workers themselves have repeatedly experienced violence from political elites. The labor movement was sabotaged by the New Order military regime, as well as labour movements being attacked, as seen in the history of Omah Buruh and Saung Buruh. In essence, the state of these political elites is a tool of violence against workers and the people. There, resistance against them, including the use of violence, is a method of struggle for workers and the people. Various groups often categorized as “civil society”– such as NGOs and several yellow unions, as well as students and Indonesian diaspora alumni, have adopted a reformist stance against the current radicalization of the people’s movement. They hope that Prabowo, the House of Representatives (DPR), the National Police (Polri), and the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) to remember they represent the people’s voice, obey the rule of law, stop repressive behavior, demand transparency, accountability. Their rhetoric often culminates in intellectualised pleas ending with slogans like: “We Are Waiting. Prove The People”s Voices Are Heard.” These citizens or “civil society” actors seek change through strict adherence to the law and the rules set by political elite. … Indeed, we must not be naive, assuming that political elites, regardless of faction, or even imperialist, regardless of country, will simply sit idly by. They will do everything in their power to ensure the movement aligns with their own interests, from outright massive repression to exploiting labor and co-opting people’s movements.This exploitation can be achieved through propaganda in the mass media and through infiltration of organizations and mass demonstrations. To some extent, they may benefit from the struggle for democratization. For example, regional political elites rejoiced the 1998 Reformation because it created opportunities for them to gain power in the regions after the fall of Suharto’s centralised militaristic regime. The 1998 Reformation also demonstrated a similar trend: political elites, particularly those “outside” the New Order military regime, jostled for power by exploiting the 1998 Reformation for their own gain. However, the struggle for democratization ultimately benefits workers and the people. The more complete the struggle, the stronger the workers and the people confronting the political elites. While, the political elites will consistently uphold the historical waste such as militarism. The article goes on and I do recommend giving it a full read.

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Indonesia president inaugurates $108 million floating solar plant

This is the best summary I could come up with: PURWAKARTA, Indonesia, Nov 9 (Reuters) - Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo on Wednesday inaugurated a 192 megawatt peak (MWp) floating solar power plant on a reservoir in West Java province as part of a drive to increase renewable energy sources and switch away from coal. The 1.7 trillion rupiah ($108.70 million) project was developed by PLN Nusantara Power, a unit of Indonesia’s state utility company Perusahaan Listrik Negara (PLN) and United Arab Emirates renewable energy company Masdar, a unit of Mubadala Investment Company. “I spoke with Minister Thani from the UAE that this would be expanded to around 500 MWp and we hope more renewable energy could be developed in Indonesia,” the president popularly known as Jokowi told reporters, referring to UAE Minister of Foreign Trade Thani bin Ahmed Al Zeyoudi. The solar power infrastructure was built on Cirata reservoir, 108 kilometres (67.11 miles) southeast of Indonesia capital Jakarta. Regulations permit up to 20% of the reservoir’s area to be utilised by the solar plant, Darmawan said, adding that discussions were underway with Mubadala for the next phase of the expansion. The president instructed us to maintain the momentum so that renewable energy development could be escalated," Darmawan said at the same event. The original article contains 320 words, the summary contains 202 words. Saved 37%. I’m a bot and I’m open source!

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Indonesia is building an economy that combines “the best of socialism and capitalism”

Amid the legacy of a decade of infrastructure development and the ambition to add value to its productive base, Indonesia is testing a model that blends an active state and a market economy. After joining the BRICS and consolidating itself as Southeast Asia’s greatest power, the country is trying to turn its demographic weight and geopolitical relevance into industrial capacity. The decade from 2014 to 2024, under the presidency of Joko Widodo – or Jokowi – accelerated infrastructure and shortened logistics distances in Indonesia, but left the challenge of turning asphalt and concrete into productivity, innovation, and higher-quality jobs. Downstreaming – that is, the process of adding value to national production through industrialization, particularly of nickel, with restrictions on raw ore exports, a WTO dispute, and a strong influx of Chinese capital – has become the ultimate test of this turnaround. In an interview with Brasil de Fato, Indonesian BRICS People’s Council member Ah Maftuchan discusses the country’s role in the bloc, the limits of the Jokowi era, and the first social and institutional initiatives of the current president, Prabowo Subianto. In his first year in office, the president introduced to the international stage the idea of a “mixed economic system,” combining both flaws and virtues of the state and market, anchored in the tradition of gotong royong (an Indonesian expression for mutual assistance and community cooperation) and cooperativism. Domestically, this vision appears in social policies such as school meals, debt forgiveness for small producers, boarding schools, and institutional reforms – the creation of a coordinating ministry for popular empowerment and a sovereign wealth fund to manage strategic assets. In the interview, Ah Maftuchan, who is also executive director of Prakarsa, a Jakarta-based public policy research institute, discusses what Indonesia has already delivered and what still needs to be done to turn ambition into sustainable development. Read the Interview Brasil de Fato: Indonesia became a BRICS member earlier this year. The country, with 280 million inhabitants, is the largest Muslim nation in the world*, the eighth-largest economy on the planet (very close to the seventh, which is Brazil), and the leading power in Southeast Asia, making Indonesia an important player in regional and global geopolitics. As a member of the BRICS Civil Council, what do you think the country can bring to the group?* Ah Maftuchan: First of all, Indonesia’s role in global forums stems from its history. Since independence and throughout the Cold War, the country has always acted responsibly within the international community, especially in humanitarian and security missions. The Indonesian Constitution itself establishes the duty to contribute to a secure and peaceful global community. Indonesia has always sought an independent position, inspired by the spirit of the Non-Aligned Movement. This strategic stance allows the country to act as a mediator between major powers and developing nations, promoting dialogue and reducing tensions. This historical neutrality gives credibility and trust to Indonesian diplomacy. The spirit of equality and cooperation has always been at the center of the country’s foreign policy. If Indonesia leverages its political and historical experience, it can expand its power and strengthen its position in international forums. Entry into BRICS reflects this intention: not just to follow the dynamics among major powers but to actively contribute to solving global problems. Indonesia seeks to participate in initiatives aimed at tackling shared challenges, prioritizing cooperation over competition between countries. It is a populous country, the largest Muslim nation, and one of the ten largest economies in the world. However, more important than the numbers are the collective spirit and willingness to solve problems – core values Indonesia brings to the global stage. The country’s history reinforces this role. Both the president and civil society share the vision that Indonesia should be a problem-solving agent, not just a spectator of global challenges. It’s not always easy to maintain this stance, as the country does not have the same military weight as major powers, but its credibility makes it indispensable as a reliable mediator, especially in conflict situations. A recent example was President Prabowo Subianto’s speech at the United Nations General Assembly in September this year. He emphasized the importance of global security and announced that Indonesia would provide 20,000 professionals for humanitarian efforts in Gaza – a demonstration of the country’s commitment to peace, even without being a military power. Furthermore, the country has sought cooperation with partners like Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which strengthens its credibility and coordination capacity in the Islamic world and the Global South. This “trust diplomacy” is one of Indonesia’s main strategies to contribute to international security. Though it belongs to the Global South, Indonesia aims to act beyond this definition, working proactively for a more balanced global order. BdF: What’s your overall assessment of Jokowi’s ten years in office? What were the main economic, political, and social advances during his government? What are the greatest challenges ahead? AM: Over the past ten years of Jokowi’s government, the country’s greatest achievement has been in the area of infrastructure. This development was made possible by planning based on government bonds, which allowed for the expansion of public goods for the population and energized the economy. Infrastructure modernization created new opportunities for both small and large businesses, becoming one of the pillars of economic growth and national integration. The infrastructure projects implemented during Joko Widodo’s presidency brought important advances but also generated significant side effects, especially regarding fiscal stability and economic sustainability. Jokowi’s administration was extremely ambitious in its infrastructure expansion goals, and that ambition, while understandable, ended up causing imbalances. In several cities, such as Jakarta and Bandung, the volume of construction and the expansion of local roads required large-scale investments. Some projects cost around USD 130 million, while even smaller initiatives exceeded USD 30 million. This level of investment directly impacted public finances and reduced the state’s ability to allocate resources to other equally strategic areas, such as health, education, and economic development programs. The logistical improvements promoted by Jokowi’s government enhanced the transport of people and goods, but the country still lacks a solid industrial base. The downstreaming agenda remains incomplete, especially in the mining sector, which is strategic for the Indonesian economy. As a result, the economy continues to rely heavily on traditional sectors and the import of inputs, which limits long-term structural gains. Reducing costs and accelerating transportation is important, but not enough to solve Indonesia’s fundamental economic challenges. The country needs to go beyond physical expansion and invest in innovation, productive diversification, and technological development so that infrastructure growth can translate into sustainable prosperity. BdF: In 2019*, President Jokowi signed a historic measure banning the export of raw nickel ore, which had previously been widely shipped to China, its main buyer.* This decision broke with the classic colonial logic of exporting primary goods and mandated that nickel be processed domestically before being exported. Did this bring benefits to the country’s economy? How did China react? AM: The policy had significant impacts. On the international front, it triggered disputes with European countries through the World Trade Organization (WTO), which challenged the decision. Despite this, Indonesia maintained its position, prioritizing sovereignty over its natural resources. From an economic perspective, the effects were mixed. In the short term, the ban reduced state revenue from direct exports, since the country still lacks full industrial capacity to transform ore into higher-value products. However, in the medium and long term, the government expects that domestic industrialization will strengthen the national economy, create skilled jobs, and expand technological expertise. The export restriction policy also attracted direct foreign investment, particularly from China, which began investing in the construction of smelters and industrial plants in regions such as Sulawesi and the Moluccas. Chinese companies partnered with Indonesian state-owned and private firms to establish processing factories. Still, the social and economic outcomes remain limited, since a significant portion of the labor force is foreign, and local gains are modest. The government acknowledges that downstreaming will only yield lasting benefits if accompanied by complementary policies such as the development of technological, financial, and market capabilities. This transition requires time and planning. The new administration, under President Prabowo Subianto, has reaffirmed its commitment to continuing this agenda. To this end, a task force dedicated to the value-added policy has been created, along with the establishment of the Danantara Sovereign Wealth Fund, designed to consolidate the assets and profits of state-owned and private companies into a unified strategic management mechanism. Danantara, inspired by models like China’s SASAC (State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission), aims to centralize and optimize the returns of public companies and strengthen the state’s capacity to invest in productive sectors. The fund currently holds about USD 1 trillion in assets. The expectation is that over a decade, the fund will grow to more than USD 15 trillion. This institutional and regulatory reform is seen as one of the foundations for a new phase of Indonesia’s industrialization. At the same time, the country signed an agreement with a major Chinese lithium battery producer to build a battery factory within Indonesian territory, with investments estimated at USD 10 billion. The project, which will involve Indonesian and Chinese state-owned companies, represents a strategic step toward integrating Indonesia into the global value chain of the energy transition. Overall, downstreaming remains a state priority. The combination of institutional consolidation, strengthening national companies, and attracting productive investment could gradually transform Indonesia from a mere exporter of natural resources into an integrated industrial power. On the political front, however, Jokowi’s legacy also left tensions. In the last two years of his term, there were criticisms that the government had exceeded democratic limits by facilitating his son’s rise in national politics. The case involved a Constitutional Court ruling allowing exceptions to the minimum age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates, sparking public debate about respect for democratic norms. Despite this, the transition to the Prabowo Subianto government occurred smoothly. The new president has sought to preserve the economic gains of the Jokowi era while trying to reposition the country as a more autonomous actor in the global economy, staying true to Indonesia’s tradition of balance, sovereignty, and pragmatic diplomacy. BdF: Jokowi’s successor, President Prabowo Subianto, has just completed his first year in office. In June, during a speech at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum*, he proposed the creation of a mixed economic system between capitalism and socialism. Was that just rhetoric for an international audience, or is this reflected in his internal economic and social policies?* AM: I believe it’s not limited to rhetoric. His statement reflects his own historical background. President Prabowo is, in fact, a socialist by blood – he is the son of Sumitra Choyahati Kusuma, who was one of the co-founders of the Indonesian Socialist Party. Indonesia has been, from the beginning, an ideologically rooted mix between capitalism and socialism. Our founding father, the first president Sukarno, and the first vice-president, Muhammad Hatta, were deeply knowledgeable about both the East and the West. Our economy is, indeed, a blend of capitalism and socialism. We respect private property, but at the same time, we choose to manage our economy in a family-oriented way, based on cooperation – gotong royong – and cooperatives, which have always been pillars of our system. So to me, President Prabowo’s statement at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum is not surprising, but it was surprising that he said it in that place. After all, the 1917 Revolution happened there. He repeated this idea when interviewed by Stephen Forbes, founder of Forbes magazine, maybe a few weeks later, in Jakarta. He said: “I’m going to adopt the best path of socialism and the best path of capitalism.” And he said that to Forbes, the “bible of capitalism.” It was quite impressive. What surprised me even more was that he brought a classic debate – that of schools of thought – to an international economic forum. It was interesting to see a leader inviting the audience to reflect on ideological foundations, prompting deeper analysis of the challenges we face. Therefore, President Prabowo’s point of view is not limited to international speeches or intellectual exercises – it is directly reflected in domestic policy. His vision of “sovereign social welfare” is a combination of socialism and capitalism – government by the state and government by the market. He acknowledges the failures of both: corruption and inefficiency of the state on one hand; and on the other, market failures such as inequality, profit concentration, and unemployment. Danantara, in my opinion, reflects this approach: the best form of socialism and the best form of capitalism combined. Socialism appears not only in institutional structure and the state’s role, but also in programs directly aimed at the people – such as free meals and child nutrition. The free meal policy involves government-provided meals for students, pregnant women, and nursing mothers. The idea is to ensure proper nutrition for child growth, brain development, physical conditioning, and to combat stunting. It’s also a direct wealth redistribution tool. For urban families, it may seem unnecessary, but for rural communities, the impact is huge. Additionally, the program shouldn’t be seen in isolation: it stimulates local production chains, drives transactions, and creates jobs. It’s a good policy, but its implementation still needs improvement. There were cases of food poisoning affecting around 8,000 students due to low-quality food provided by large companies centralized in the cities. It’s acceptable that the first year serves as a learning phase, but in the coming years, the program must be decentralized. Communities and schools should directly participate as leading implementers. And ingredients should prioritize local products – for example, import beef if needed, but use chicken, eggs, and vegetables produced in Indonesia. This combination helps strengthen rural economies and increase value-added in communities. Currently, food is processed in urban centers and sent to rural areas. A single center delivers up to 3,000 meal packages a day within a few hours. Recently, the administration reduced the target to about 2,000 meals per center to ensure better quality and food safety. The expectation is that, in the second year, community and school participation will increase, making the program more efficient. The idea is good, but its execution needs to be wisely adjusted – in terms of targets, ingredients, and technical issues. Furthermore, a network of new boarding schools has been launched, with full scholarships for low-income children, including homeless children. These schools offer education, housing, and meals. This year, 50 schools have already opened, intending to reach 500. Children stay there during the week and return home only on weekends. The idea is to break the vicious cycle of poverty – offering five days of learning and protection per week, enough time to begin reversing the pattern of vulnerability. Most of Prabowo’s ideas, especially in the social realm, are aimed at human empowerment: income transfer, social assistance, food, and education. And to coordinate all this, he created a new ministry – the Coordinating Ministry for Popular Empowerment. This ministry holds a senior rank and coordinates several other departments, such as Economic Affairs, Political and Security Affairs, Food, Infrastructure, and Human Development and Culture. It’s an important institutional innovation. For decades, the term “popular empowerment” was just rhetoric. Now, it has become state policy. This allows civil society to demand concrete results. The post Indonesia is building an economy that combines “the best of socialism and capitalism” appeared first on Peoples Dispatch. From Peoples Dispatch via this RSS feed

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WW3: Red=good guys, blue=bad guys

Indonesian on the red side is too optimistic actually. I’m indonesian, the current president want the best for the people and knew whats up, i think indonesia will stay neutral and will take advantage of the war for the people. Unless the president is changed because 2024 is his last year in office and its his second-term. Damn, i like Jokowi.

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