Semua Gambar Berita Video Belanja Maps Sosial Media Files Science
Sekitar 30 hasil (1.63 detik)
Komunitas beehaw.org

BuxtonWater

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lazysoci.al

China tells its minorities to integrate or face consequences with sweeping new law

But you are a pedophile apologist. How do I know you are not lying about that being a genocide or not? I won’t opine until I listen to multiple reputable humanists. They are the only ones who will be truly neutral and fair with the analysis. You are incredibly biased and fucking evil. You are okay with committing genocide to Latin Americans and Muslims. You won’t call USA’s war crimes because you want them to continue, there is no other explanation. This could be a genuine Cultural Integration, or Cultural Genocide, but you don’t have the knowledge or readiness to discuss that.

Komunitas feddit.de

ehrenschwan

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lemmy.ml

PTSDwarrior

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lemmy.blahaj.zone

The East Palace (2026, creators Kwon So-ra and Seo Jae-won)

Original title (KO): 동궁 (Dong-gung, Crown Prince’s Palace) A man who walks the spirit world and a court lady who hears the dead enter the East Palace by the king’s orders — can they unravel its dark secrets? https://www.themoviedb.org/tv/279323

Komunitas lemmy.world

joshthewaster

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas piefed.social

Self-love - The Oatmeal

Believe in yourself, at least as much as you do your paper shredder!! - source: The Oatmeal, in case that was not obvious

Komunitas quokk.au

Uni HR boss had 'target' on her back after opposing $400k direct hire

In short: UOW’s chief people and culture officer Alison Bourke told ICAC she opposed a proposed $400,000 executive role for Alyssa White from the outset. She said she felt she had a “target on her back” and later thought she was “being punked” when the proposal resurfaced after she believed it had been shelved. What’s next? The inquiry continues with Professor John Dewar expected to give evidence on Thursday.

Komunitas lemmy.ml

Chomsky: The Incomplete Anti-Imperialist in Iraq [Compatible Left]

cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/49483972 As this essay continues an examination of the limits of Noam Chomsky’s anti-imperialism, readers are encouraged to consult the earlier installments in the series: Introduction: Colorless Green Ideas Sleep Furiously Chomsky’s Linguistics Theories of Nothing Chomsky: The Acceptable Dissident Chomsky: The Moderate Rebel ::: spoiler [2026-06-27] Historic.ly As the 2026 war with Iran rages — with U.S. and Israeli strikes, Iranian retaliation, proxy escalations, and the Strait of Hormuz disrupted — segments of the left still hail Noam Chomsky as the supreme anti-imperialist voice. Yet he has been relatively quiet during this active conflict. This fits the pattern documented in earlier parts of this series. Even when Chomsky has addressed Iran, such as his 2022 support for the protest movement, he has lent legitimacy to what amounted to color revolution dynamics — effectively backing regime-change efforts dressed up as popular uprisings. His reputation as the gold standard of anti-imperialism is undeserved. He denounces U.S. wars after the bodies are buried and the book tours begin. During the manufacturing-of-consent phase, he repeatedly accepts—or softens—Washington’s core premises. In the next series of articles, we will examine Chomsky’s statements and behavior during and after some of the most significant U.S.-led invasions of the 20th and 21st centuries, beginning with Iraq. His reactions to the 1990–91 Gulf crisis are textbook examples of him accepting Washington’s premises without independent fact-checking. Instead of advancing a strong moral case that could rouse genuine opposition, he softened the anti-imperialist critique into dry international legalism. On August 2, 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Within days, U.S. media flattened the event into “Saddam Hussein the megalomaniac aggressor.” Elevated as the official dissident on MacNeil/Lehrer, Chomsky did not puncture the frame — he endorsed it: “We and the world should adhere to the principle that acquisition of territory by force… is illegitimate and, in fact, unlawful.” British-drawn borders—arbitrary instruments of imperial control that the West condemns everywhere else—suddenly became sacred when they shielded a rentier monarchy in Kuwait, built on kafala slavery and oil rents. He conceded the “Iraqi threat” absent solid evidence and legitimized U.S. troop deployments: “That reaction was legitimate… there was reason to believe that Iraq might have been planning to move on to further aggression.” English and Arabic Copies of the Anglo-Kuwait Agreement from 1899 As for his solution, Chomsky stated: “I think that the organization of economic pressures and measures such as the embargo is definitely legitimate, in my view.” These are the same embargoes later responsible for the deaths of half a million Iraqi children—Madeleine Albright would famously declare them “worth it” in her 60 Minutes interview with Lesley Stahl. Iraqi women in a hospital in 1998 after Sanctions On the use of force, he offered only procedural refinement: not unilateral U.S. action, but a UN-approved international effort to enforce the Charter. Sanctions were presented as the humane alternative—collective punishment inflicted on a society already shattered by the Iran-Iraq War, which the U.S. and Gulf monarchies had helped finance and arm. He never demanded reparations for the proxy war Iraq had fought on their behalf. He never mentioned the April Glaspie diplomatic green light. He never questioned why Kuwait’s abandoned migrant majority suddenly became the moral cause worth defending with military force. The result was classic containment: the crisis was disciplined back inside imperial legality. Structural causes—colonial cartography, debt traps, oil geopolitics—vanished. The only debate permitted was how hard to punish the aggressor. Sanctions, not withdrawal with reconstruction, became the “restraint.” Disturbing images of dead Iraqi troops being killed as they fled. After the Highway of Death and half a million dead Iraqi children under sanctions, Chomsky later published Deterring Democracy—meticulous on U.S. crimes, yet silent on his own earlier role in legitimating the premises that made them possible. By early 2002, the propaganda emerging from the White House and mainstream U.S. press operated on two tracks simultaneously. The first was the sophisticated, technocratic track: satellite imagery of alleged weapons facilities, Colin Powell’s theatrical performance at the UN Security Council in February 2003, the claim that Saddam could deploy chemical weapons within 45 minutes, and the since-debunked assertion that Iraq had sought yellowcake uranium from Niger. These were designed to persuade the persuadable—foreign governments, liberal internationalists, and the serious press. Colin Powell claiming the imaginary Vile of Anthrax he had could kill everyone in the room at the U.N. The second track targeted middle America and dispensed with subtlety entirely. This was the world of Saddam’s human shredding machines—industrial devices, it was claimed, into which regime opponents were fed feet-first, their remains collected below as a warning to others. It was the world of rape rooms and acid baths, of a dictator who gassed his own people (with chemical precursors Washington had itself supplied during the Iran-Iraq War, a detail carefully omitted). Kenneth Adelman promised the invasion would be a “cakewalk.” Dick Cheney declared that American troops would be “greeted as liberators.” Both tracks, sophisticated and grotesque, served the same function: to make the question of whether to remove Saddam feel less important than the question of how and when. The frame was set. Saddam was a monster. The only debate permitted was procedural. In this environment, Chomsky actively reaffirmed the demonization propaganda against Saddam Hussein. He stated: “Saddam Hussein is a monster, there’s no doubt about that. Getting rid of him would be a boon to the people of Iraq and the world.” Chomsky Claiming that Getting Rid of Saddam Hussein would be a Bon to the World. He went further on the weapons of mass destruction issue. In the same September 2002 interview, Chomsky explicitly cited Scott Ritter — the UN weapons inspector who was publicly and compellingly demolishing the entire WMD case — acknowledging that “weapons inspection appears to have been highly effective.” And yet, having cited the man who was telling the world there was nothing there, Chomsky proceeded to summarize as follows: “WMD programs make the world a more dangerous place, Saddam’s in particular. The problem should be addressed in such a way as to make the world safer.” He had access to the dissenting literature. He chose to straddle both positions simultaneously — inspections seem to have worked, and Saddam’s WMD program is dangerous — leaving the reader with the impression of an active, threatening program that needed to be managed or dismantled. His entire case therefore rested on procedural objections: no UN mandate, sanctions instead of invasion, inspectors instead of bombs. But procedure is not principle. If Saddam Hussein is a monster who feeds opponents into human shredders, whose removal would be a boon to the Iraqi people and the whole, and who is actively developing weapons of mass destruction — and who was supplied with weapons of mass destruction by the U.S. and Britain—then what exactly is the anti-war case? As we have covered here, Iraqis were far worse off after Saddam Hussein was removed. Immediately after the invasion, 1.5 million Iraqis lost access to clean water, and for the first time since the 1950s, the country experienced major outbreaks of cholera and typhoid. The U.S. privatized water and awarded contracts to Bechtel, causing prices to soar. The invasion drove over 60% of Iraqis into joblessness. Many became desperate. One welder who had enjoyed a middle-class lifestyle was reduced to earning $1.25 a day. Wages collapsed across the board. Poverty and desperation hit Iraq’s children hardest. Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq spent six percent of its GDP and 20 percent of its national budget on schools, teachers, and literacy programs. That level has never been matched since. Privatization and the theft of oil resources were only part of the problem. Paul Bremer’s de-Baathification order disbanded the entire Iraqi army—roughly 400,000 trained soldiers, mostly Sunni, thrown into unemployment with their weapons and their humiliation. They formed the backbone of the Sunni insurgency and, later, ISIS. In 2008, the U.S. paid and armed Sunni tribal militias—known as the “Sons of Iraq” or Sahwa—to fight Al-Qaeda in Iraq, with the explicit promise of integrating them into the national security forces. The Shia-dominated, U.S.-backed Maliki government refused to integrate them, cut off their salaries, and began arresting their leaders. Many subsequently joined ISIS. ISIS Troops during their Reign of Terror Under Saddam Hussein’s secular Ba’athist government, Iraq was home to one of the oldest and most diverse religious landscapes in the world. Christians (Chaldeans, Assyrians, Armenians) numbered approximately 1.5 million and were integrated into public life. Tariq Aziz, Saddam’s foreign minister and one of the regime’s most visible international faces, was himself a Christian. Yazidis, Mandaeans, Shabaks, Druze, and others coexisted alongside the Muslim majority in a state where Ba’athist secular nationalism kept religious sectarianism subordinate to state authority. Women attended university, worked professionally, and enjoyed legal protections that were the envy of the region. The invasion produced the systematic annihilation of this world. Isis destroying the oldest Christian Monastery in the World By the mid-2010s, Iraq’s Christian population had collapsed from 1.5 million to under 300,000—a near demographic extinction achieved not by Saddam’s (non-existent) human shredders, but by the sectarian chaos the invasion deliberately unleashed. In August 2014, ISIS swept into the Yazidi heartland of Sinjar. Men were massacred. Women and girls were enslaved and sold openly in markets, their prices published in ISIS pamphlets. The United Nations formally designated what happened to the Yazidis as genocide. The Mandaeans—one of the oldest continuous religious communities on earth, tracing their roots to ancient Mesopotamia—were driven out of Iraq almost entirely. These outcomes were predictable. As we previously documented, oilfield production was restored ahead of schedule while water treatment plants were not. The destruction of Iraq’s pluralist social fabric was the logical result of dismantling the state, arming sectarian factions, and abandoning those who had cooperated with the occupation. Chomsky later criticized the execution of the war, calling Bush incompetent and attacking the administration’s imperial ambitions. He described the invasion as driven by the desire for “a unipolar world in which the United States has no peer competitor” and labeled it a criminal act. Yet this post-facto critique does not erase his earlier statements made during the crucial manufacturing-of-consent phase. Exposing this is irritating liberalism. It is holding a supposed anti-imperialist to account for lending moral and intellectual legitimacy to the foundational premises of a war of aggression. No, Saddam did not have operational human shredders. And no, removing him was not a boon. Iraqis got cholera instead of clean water, mass unemployment instead of stable order, child labor instead of functioning schools, and ISIS instead of the previous system — however repressive it may have been. The man who helped topple Saddam’s statue later wished he could put it back. Chomsky’s post-invasion books meticulously catalog the crimes. There has never been a reckoning with how his pre-war framing helped keep opposition inside acceptable bounds: yes to regime change, just do it with a UN mandate and nicer rhetoric. This is precisely what makes him an incomplete anti-imperialist. If you’ve made it this far, and found our article illluminating, please remember we are 100% reader supported. If you think this work matters, throw us a few dollars so we can keep going. The empire certainly isn’t funding us. Becoming a regular paid subscriber Or give us a one-time tip. Every penny counts. :::

Komunitas lemmy.ml

Chomsky: The Incomplete Anti-Imperialist in Iraq [Compatible Left]

As this essay continues an examination of the limits of Noam Chomsky’s anti-imperialism, readers are encouraged to consult the earlier installments in the series: Introduction: Colorless Green Ideas Sleep Furiously Chomsky’s Linguistics Theories of Nothing Chomsky: The Acceptable Dissident Chomsky: The Moderate Rebel ::: spoiler [2026-06-27] Historic.ly As the 2026 war with Iran rages — with U.S. and Israeli strikes, Iranian retaliation, proxy escalations, and the Strait of Hormuz disrupted — segments of the left still hail Noam Chomsky as the supreme anti-imperialist voice. Yet he has been relatively quiet during this active conflict. This fits the pattern documented in earlier parts of this series. Even when Chomsky has addressed Iran, such as his 2022 support for the protest movement, he has lent legitimacy to what amounted to color revolution dynamics — effectively backing regime-change efforts dressed up as popular uprisings. His reputation as the gold standard of anti-imperialism is undeserved. He denounces U.S. wars after the bodies are buried and the book tours begin. During the manufacturing-of-consent phase, he repeatedly accepts—or softens—Washington’s core premises. In the next series of articles, we will examine Chomsky’s statements and behavior during and after some of the most significant U.S.-led invasions of the 20th and 21st centuries, beginning with Iraq. His reactions to the 1990–91 Gulf crisis are textbook examples of him accepting Washington’s premises without independent fact-checking. Instead of advancing a strong moral case that could rouse genuine opposition, he softened the anti-imperialist critique into dry international legalism. On August 2, 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Within days, U.S. media flattened the event into “Saddam Hussein the megalomaniac aggressor.” Elevated as the official dissident on MacNeil/Lehrer, Chomsky did not puncture the frame — he endorsed it: “We and the world should adhere to the principle that acquisition of territory by force… is illegitimate and, in fact, unlawful.” British-drawn borders—arbitrary instruments of imperial control that the West condemns everywhere else—suddenly became sacred when they shielded a rentier monarchy in Kuwait, built on kafala slavery and oil rents. He conceded the “Iraqi threat” absent solid evidence and legitimized U.S. troop deployments: “That reaction was legitimate… there was reason to believe that Iraq might have been planning to move on to further aggression.” English and Arabic Copies of the Anglo-Kuwait Agreement from 1899 As for his solution, Chomsky stated: “I think that the organization of economic pressures and measures such as the embargo is definitely legitimate, in my view.” These are the same embargoes later responsible for the deaths of half a million Iraqi children—Madeleine Albright would famously declare them “worth it” in her 60 Minutes interview with Lesley Stahl. Iraqi women in a hospital in 1998 after Sanctions On the use of force, he offered only procedural refinement: not unilateral U.S. action, but a UN-approved international effort to enforce the Charter. Sanctions were presented as the humane alternative—collective punishment inflicted on a society already shattered by the Iran-Iraq War, which the U.S. and Gulf monarchies had helped finance and arm. He never demanded reparations for the proxy war Iraq had fought on their behalf. He never mentioned the April Glaspie diplomatic green light. He never questioned why Kuwait’s abandoned migrant majority suddenly became the moral cause worth defending with military force. The result was classic containment: the crisis was disciplined back inside imperial legality. Structural causes—colonial cartography, debt traps, oil geopolitics—vanished. The only debate permitted was how hard to punish the aggressor. Sanctions, not withdrawal with reconstruction, became the “restraint.” Disturbing images of dead Iraqi troops being killed as they fled. After the Highway of Death and half a million dead Iraqi children under sanctions, Chomsky later published Deterring Democracy—meticulous on U.S. crimes, yet silent on his own earlier role in legitimating the premises that made them possible. By early 2002, the propaganda emerging from the White House and mainstream U.S. press operated on two tracks simultaneously. The first was the sophisticated, technocratic track: satellite imagery of alleged weapons facilities, Colin Powell’s theatrical performance at the UN Security Council in February 2003, the claim that Saddam could deploy chemical weapons within 45 minutes, and the since-debunked assertion that Iraq had sought yellowcake uranium from Niger. These were designed to persuade the persuadable—foreign governments, liberal internationalists, and the serious press. Colin Powell claiming the imaginary Vile of Anthrax he had could kill everyone in the room at the U.N. The second track targeted middle America and dispensed with subtlety entirely. This was the world of Saddam’s human shredding machines—industrial devices, it was claimed, into which regime opponents were fed feet-first, their remains collected below as a warning to others. It was the world of rape rooms and acid baths, of a dictator who gassed his own people (with chemical precursors Washington had itself supplied during the Iran-Iraq War, a detail carefully omitted). Kenneth Adelman promised the invasion would be a “cakewalk.” Dick Cheney declared that American troops would be “greeted as liberators.” Both tracks, sophisticated and grotesque, served the same function: to make the question of whether to remove Saddam feel less important than the question of how and when. The frame was set. Saddam was a monster. The only debate permitted was procedural. In this environment, Chomsky actively reaffirmed the demonization propaganda against Saddam Hussein. He stated: “Saddam Hussein is a monster, there’s no doubt about that. Getting rid of him would be a boon to the people of Iraq and the world.” Chomsky Claiming that Getting Rid of Saddam Hussein would be a Bon to the World. He went further on the weapons of mass destruction issue. In the same September 2002 interview, Chomsky explicitly cited Scott Ritter — the UN weapons inspector who was publicly and compellingly demolishing the entire WMD case — acknowledging that “weapons inspection appears to have been highly effective.” And yet, having cited the man who was telling the world there was nothing there, Chomsky proceeded to summarize as follows: “WMD programs make the world a more dangerous place, Saddam’s in particular. The problem should be addressed in such a way as to make the world safer.” He had access to the dissenting literature. He chose to straddle both positions simultaneously — inspections seem to have worked, and Saddam’s WMD program is dangerous — leaving the reader with the impression of an active, threatening program that needed to be managed or dismantled. His entire case therefore rested on procedural objections: no UN mandate, sanctions instead of invasion, inspectors instead of bombs. But procedure is not principle. If Saddam Hussein is a monster who feeds opponents into human shredders, whose removal would be a boon to the Iraqi people and the whole, and who is actively developing weapons of mass destruction — and who was supplied with weapons of mass destruction by the U.S. and Britain—then what exactly is the anti-war case? As we have covered here, Iraqis were far worse off after Saddam Hussein was removed. Immediately after the invasion, 1.5 million Iraqis lost access to clean water, and for the first time since the 1950s, the country experienced major outbreaks of cholera and typhoid. The U.S. privatized water and awarded contracts to Bechtel, causing prices to soar. The invasion drove over 60% of Iraqis into joblessness. Many became desperate. One welder who had enjoyed a middle-class lifestyle was reduced to earning $1.25 a day. Wages collapsed across the board. Poverty and desperation hit Iraq’s children hardest. Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq spent six percent of its GDP and 20 percent of its national budget on schools, teachers, and literacy programs. That level has never been matched since. Privatization and the theft of oil resources were only part of the problem. Paul Bremer’s de-Baathification order disbanded the entire Iraqi army—roughly 400,000 trained soldiers, mostly Sunni, thrown into unemployment with their weapons and their humiliation. They formed the backbone of the Sunni insurgency and, later, ISIS. In 2008, the U.S. paid and armed Sunni tribal militias—known as the “Sons of Iraq” or Sahwa—to fight Al-Qaeda in Iraq, with the explicit promise of integrating them into the national security forces. The Shia-dominated, U.S.-backed Maliki government refused to integrate them, cut off their salaries, and began arresting their leaders. Many subsequently joined ISIS. ISIS Troops during their Reign of Terror Under Saddam Hussein’s secular Ba’athist government, Iraq was home to one of the oldest and most diverse religious landscapes in the world. Christians (Chaldeans, Assyrians, Armenians) numbered approximately 1.5 million and were integrated into public life. Tariq Aziz, Saddam’s foreign minister and one of the regime’s most visible international faces, was himself a Christian. Yazidis, Mandaeans, Shabaks, Druze, and others coexisted alongside the Muslim majority in a state where Ba’athist secular nationalism kept religious sectarianism subordinate to state authority. Women attended university, worked professionally, and enjoyed legal protections that were the envy of the region. The invasion produced the systematic annihilation of this world. Isis destroying the oldest Christian Monastery in the World By the mid-2010s, Iraq’s Christian population had collapsed from 1.5 million to under 300,000—a near demographic extinction achieved not by Saddam’s (non-existent) human shredders, but by the sectarian chaos the invasion deliberately unleashed. In August 2014, ISIS swept into the Yazidi heartland of Sinjar. Men were massacred. Women and girls were enslaved and sold openly in markets, their prices published in ISIS pamphlets. The United Nations formally designated what happened to the Yazidis as genocide. The Mandaeans—one of the oldest continuous religious communities on earth, tracing their roots to ancient Mesopotamia—were driven out of Iraq almost entirely. These outcomes were predictable. As we previously documented, oilfield production was restored ahead of schedule while water treatment plants were not. The destruction of Iraq’s pluralist social fabric was the logical result of dismantling the state, arming sectarian factions, and abandoning those who had cooperated with the occupation. Chomsky later criticized the execution of the war, calling Bush incompetent and attacking the administration’s imperial ambitions. He described the invasion as driven by the desire for “a unipolar world in which the United States has no peer competitor” and labeled it a criminal act. Yet this post-facto critique does not erase his earlier statements made during the crucial manufacturing-of-consent phase. Exposing this is irritating liberalism. It is holding a supposed anti-imperialist to account for lending moral and intellectual legitimacy to the foundational premises of a war of aggression. No, Saddam did not have operational human shredders. And no, removing him was not a boon. Iraqis got cholera instead of clean water, mass unemployment instead of stable order, child labor instead of functioning schools, and ISIS instead of the previous system — however repressive it may have been. The man who helped topple Saddam’s statue later wished he could put it back. Chomsky’s post-invasion books meticulously catalog the crimes. There has never been a reckoning with how his pre-war framing helped keep opposition inside acceptable bounds: yes to regime change, just do it with a UN mandate and nicer rhetoric. This is precisely what makes him an incomplete anti-imperialist. If you’ve made it this far, and found our article illluminating, please remember we are 100% reader supported. If you think this work matters, throw us a few dollars so we can keep going. The empire certainly isn’t funding us. Becoming a regular paid subscriber Or give us a one-time tip. Every penny counts. :::

Komunitas lemmy.dbzer0.com

Lakis Shimelde - Hyouken no Majutsushi ga Sekai wo Suberu

(KurutAI) (2026) Image description: A young woman with short, spiky reddish-brown hair and amber eyes crouching and looking down toward the left with a slight smile and flushed cheeks. She wears a red hooded coat over a white collared shirt with a gray tie, accented by gold clasps at the chest, gold buttons, and a black belt around her waist. Her bare knees are visible between her coat hem and dark boots. The setting features a plain, textured tan or off-white wall in the background. ::: spoiler Full Generation Parameters: masterpiece, best quality, score_7, highres, absurdres, anime screenshot, safe, hnmlakis, short hair, brown hair, sidelocks, brown eyes, solo, red dress, long dress, puffy dress, noble dress, royal dress, bare legs, long sleeves,, squatting, from side, side view, cowboy shot,, Eyes looking down with soft affection, slight smile, Steps: 8, CFG scale: 1, Sampler: er_sde, Seed: 2017284634, Model: animaCatTower_v10, width: 832, height: 1216, originalSampler: er_sde :::

Komunitas lemmy.ml

Did Israel Interfere in Colombia's Elections? [Donroe Doctrine]

I invoke Betteridge’s Law of Headlines. Just kidding, the two older articles linked here are fantastic. You should read them. ::: spoiler [2026-07-01] Historic.ly In the first round of Colombia’s 2026 presidential election on May 31, no candidate secured a majority, triggering a runoff. Right-wing outsider and lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella led with approximately 43.7–44% of the vote, outperforming expectations. Left-wing Senator Iván Cepeda, backed by outgoing President Gustavo Petro, placed second with around 40.9–41%. The contest saw high turnout — the highest in recent history for a first round — and centered on security, crime, and drug policy. International observers described the voting process as generally orderly and transparent, despite some pre-election violence and political tensions. In yesterday’s runoff election between the two candidates, President Gustavo Petro tweeted: “With the same data from the registry office, the pre-count result at this moment is 49.3% for Abelardo and 49% for Cepeda. Neither can be proclaimed president.” Petro further claimed there were software malfunctions during the counting process, stating: “Well, today we have evidence of a change in IP addresses of several servers of the National Registry. This means that the software was compromised and others wrote data for polling stations and voting posts.” Journalist Max Blumenthal provided further context on the situation. The Bautista brothers are convicted fraudsters who own the private off-shore company that manages Colombia’s voting software Their company botched Colombian elections in 2014 and 2022, when 400,000 votes for Petro’s party went missing Before any official tally, Trump and… https://t.co/DDxgXtxGOt pic.twitter.com/EMPrNWlrTt — Max Blumenthal (@MaxBlumenthal) June 22, 2026 We have previously covered how Colombia, under pro-U.S. governments, maintained deep ties with Israel — in fact, the two countries were mercenary allies. It is also no secret that Gustavo Petro has repeatedly accused Israel of genocide and maintains a firm anti-Israel stance. Please read our classic two-part investigation into the deep ties between Israel and Colombia and come to your own conclusion Israel participated in the systematic murder of the Patriotic Union in Colombia Israel has provided defense and surveillance equipment to Colombia for years. Part 2 Given the deep forty year ties to Israel’s intelligence, are there still members of the intelligence community in Colombia who maintain those ties? If so, would they be willing to interfere in an election to bring about a candidate who is more pro-Isreal? As of now, neither candidate has conceded the election, and Ivan Cepeda has demanded further investigation into the process. Protesters are out in full force demanding a fair investigation and a fair election. There is widespread accusations of election fraud and ballot stuffing. But, one has to wonder, if Israel indeed interfered in these elections to get a candidate that is more align with their goals. :::

Komunitas news.abolish.capital

People’s Mañanera July 1

Every day, President Claudia Sheinbaum gives a morning presidential press conference and Mexico Solidarity Media posts English language summaries, translated by Mexico Solidarity’s Pedro Gellert. Previous press conference summaries are available here. Housing for Well-Being Program Moves Forward in SinaloaA new delivery of “Housing for Well-being” units took place in Ahome, Sinaloa. The Ministry of Agrarian, Land, and Urban Development (SEDATU) reported that there are 29 projects underway in the state, equivalent to 25,932 housing units in progress. The INFONAVIT housing agency reported 29 deliveries completed in 98 housing complexes and more than 26,000 housing units delivered nationwide out of a target of 37,000. INEHRM Strengthens Its Role to Preserve Historical MemoryPresident Claudia Sheinbaum signed the decree transforming the National Institute of Historical Studies on Mexico’s Revolutions (INEHRM) into a decentralized public agency attached to the Ministry of Science, Humanities, Technology, and Innovation. The aim is to strengthen research, historical memory, and critical thinking. It will offer bachelor’s degrees, graduate programs, and specialized courses. “It’s not just about the Fourth Transformation; it will study the three great transformations and incorporate what is occurring in Mexico today,” the President emphasized. Mexico Celebrates the World with Pride and FraternitySheinbaum congratulated the Mexican national soccer team on its victory over Ecuador and emphasized that the World Cup has shown the world the hospitality and joy of the Mexican people. “Even if some people don’t like it, it is a source of pride for the Mexican people,” she declared. The President also extended her condolences to the families of the three fans who lost their lives during the festivities and announced that security and preventive measures will be reviewed for future celebrations. This is in addition to providing full support to the victims’ families. History in the Face of Neoliberal OblivionEight years after the electoral victory of the Fourth Transformation, Sheinbaum called for remembering the 2006 election fraud, the neoliberal era, the subservience to foreign interests, and the lack of democracy. She noted that, although her government maintains majority support among young people, it is necessary to better communicate this history in this age of social media. “We must remember what the period of fraud was like. Because people might get the idea that things were better before, and they weren’t,” Sheinbaum explained. USMCA Remains in Effect and Mexico Defends Its EconomyThe President clarified that today is not a deadline for the USMCA. Even if the United States does not send the letter to extend it, the trade agreement will remain in effect until 2036, with annual reviews. Sheinbaum reiterated that Mexico will defend the agreement without compromising its sovereignty or the well-being of its people. “We must put the economy of Mexican families first,” she stated. Minister of Economy Marcelo Ebrard will report tomorrow on the results of the review and the next steps. Mexico Supports Venezuela Following the EarthquakesThe President announced that Mexico will send seven emergency power generators to Venezuela and is preparing a Navy ship loaded with food and supplies to support the population affected by the earthquakes, as part of the Mexican government’s solidarity and humanitarian aid efforts. Mañanera People’s Mañanera July 1 July 1, 2026July 1, 2026 President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on housing in Sinaloa, the INEHRM, the World Cup, the USMCA, and aid to Venezuela. News Briefs Morena Will Apply Filters to Aspirants to Avoid “Undesirable” Candidates: Montiel July 1, 2026 Morena will vet aspirants via the security cabinet and treasury’s Financial Intelligence Unit ahead of the 17 governorships up for grabs in 2027. News Briefs SICT Publishes Agreement to Expand the Passenger Train Network in Mexico June 30, 2026 “The rail transportation programs will improve the population’s wellbeing by increasing connectivity and facilitating access to goods and services.” The post People’s Mañanera July 1 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media. From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.

Komunitas hexbear.net

Bulletins and International News Discussion from June 29th to July 5th, 2026 - War Negotiations Increasingly Unstable / Will Belarus Get Involved In Ukraine? / Massive Venezuela Earthquake Aftermath

My money says it’s Trump greenlighting his Karhg Island obsession but I don’t see how that works any better. In fact, might work worse. Persian Gulf isn’t exactly friendly waters for the US right now and I don’t think anything that lands troops on that island is really going to have a chance to leave if the IRGC commits enough. Iran Hostage Crisis Two: By hostage we mean “trapped themselves on an island” and by crisis we mean “really really funny miscalculation”.

Komunitas lemmy.ml

onwardknave

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lemmy.world

kWazt

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lemmy.nz

Opportunity at 6.5%

I don’t think it’ll be clear for a while yet, especially now they’re being explicit that they will go with either National or Labour. If this ends up being a change campaign you could see a bunch of voters moving away from Opp if its close in order to ensure an actual change happens rather than more of the same only hopefully slightly less bad. Its not clear to me that we are in a change cycle though; NZ Fist going up so high at the expense of Act & Nat is interesting but isn’t massively moving the dial back towards the left.

Komunitas lemmy.world

omawarisan

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas feddit.org

What are your thoughts and feelings towards nuclear power?

nuclear power is fine but extremely dangerous in the hands of the wrong person, not because nuclear power plants itself are dangerous but because we’re 1 step away from someone making 1 bad joke about how we should use it in “other ways” and that would escalate international conflicts rapidly. and i do not trust the government to be stable enough to not eventually fall into the wrong hands. therefore, no. at least not in the foreseeable future.

Komunitas lemmy.world

NChiwana76

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas lemmy.zip

If you could only play 10 games for the rest of your life, which would you choose?

Assetto Corsa is pretty cheap right now. I saw it and it seems interesting. Would you recommend it to someone who wants something more casual? (I don’t mean arcade, but not something I need equipment and a lot of time for.) I’d probably play with a controller, but I do have a wheel with force-feedback and pedals, but I’m not sure they work on Linux (and I don’t use Windows anymore), and I’d prefer not setting it up. Also, I think this studio has a rally game they’re working on. I’m pretty sure they’re the page I saw that. I hope it’s good, because Dirt Rally is dead sadly.

Komunitas blackneon.net

RalfWausE

Lihat kiriman asli pada platform media sosial terkait.

Komunitas sh.itjust.works

Good for him.

I think Mark Sargent has quietly figured it out, but he makes a living being the “flat earth guy”, and doesn’t know what else to do with his life. What really surprised me about Behind the Curve was how smart a lot of those guys were.