Komunitas
hexbear.net
The Biden admin needs to launch a massive propaganda campaign against communism and fascism online. They are currently playing with their hands tied behind their backs. Spend half of their re-election budget on online trolls on twitter, reddit, tiktok to absolutely destroy anyone that pushes communism and fascism. Hit social media company owners who allow anti-western extremism to fester. Release hit pieces in the media not just against the white supremacy right, but also against the commie left. Make deals with CEOs and wallstreet to stamp out any of that shit from their corporate culture like they did with ESG. The GOP essentially kicked the corporate and military wings out of their party, use that to your fucking advantage. Hit college campuses too. Communism and fascism should be painted in the same light as racism and homophobia basically. Western Lives Matter should be the new BLM. I want to see protests where kids are burning the hammer and sickle flags along swastika flags. I want to see Greta fucking Thunberg wear a NATO shirt to the Met Gala. No tactic should be left off the table. what the fuck is wrong with these people
Komunitas
sh.itjust.works
This is now a right wing propaganda machine. I deleted awhile ago. Several social media posts pointed to language in the new policy that describes the types of data TikTok may collect, including sensitive information such as “your racial or ethnic origin” as well as “sexual life or sexual orientation, status as transgender or nonbinary, citizenship or immigration status, or financial information.” Despite the social media uproar, that language does not appear to be new. An archived version of the policy from August 2024 includes the same provisions.
Komunitas
feddit.nl
No eating|slime|kinetic sand|magnetic balls|stop motion cooking|noisy reaction/comedy|marbles|<5 minute|animated|chiropractic|AI|Dentures Views|Channel|Video —:|:—|:— 324723|Gentle Whispering ASMR|✂️ Sleep-Inducing Haircut & Close-Up Brushing 💇 ASMR Soft Spoken into Whisper 261034|Patra Channel / 周防パトラ|【ASMR】もの凄く気持ちいい！とろとろのオイルの熟睡マッサージ。睡眠導入・オイル綿棒・リンパマッサージ・耳かき・タッピング・吐息 Ear Cleaning＆Oil Massage【周防パトラ】 245474|Jojo’s ASMR|ASMRtist Reacts to: TikTok ASMR 242595|Goodnight Moon|Alt Girl Helps You Study ASMR 🕸️ Obsessive Personal Attention 🪦 239457|Brooke Monk|Brooke Monk tries ASMR *Hair Tutorial with your favorite triggers* 234361|ASMR Berlin|ASMR Invisible/Propless Haircut & Makeup! Fast and Aggressive 223419|asmr zeitgeist|ASMR Underwater Ear Cleaning & Experimental Ear Triggers for Deep Sleep (100% REAL) 222448|Emma’s Myspace|Intense Ear to Ear ASMR (deep spine tingles) 217117|ASMR Berlin|ASMR Try Not To Tingle (TWO ASMRtists) Ft Emmas MySpace 215265|스즈 ASMR|【KU100 ASMR ♡ SUZU 】Close Ear Whispers & Soft Tingles 🧠 Mic Test !! 214824|Whispering Willow ASMR|ASMR Follow My Directions To Sleep EYES CLOSED | Guided Relaxation, Sensory Tests 212581|沙汰ナキアASMR - Nakia Ch.|【ASMR/KU100】ご～っそり疲れが取れる…指の耳かきで気持ちいい寝かしつけ♡囁き・吐息・Finger Ear Cleaning for Sleep【沙汰ナキア/睡眠導入】 207159|Alex Kosta Experience|French Therapist Gives me an ASMR Chair Massage Outdoors [Go Sleep] 200429|Macoto ASMR まこと。|ASMR 至上1番音が良い♡温度まで感じる脳ゾク睡眠導入/耳かき/綿棒/囁き EarCleaning, Triggers for Sleep【KU100】 197217|Real Person ASMR by August|ASMR delicate bridesmaid dress and hair styling ✨ choosing, adjusting, lint rolling and hair styling 195432|Tingting ASMR|ASMR Ancient Chinese Pharmacy 181759|ASMR Rebecca|Fast ASMR Focus Games to Make your Eyes Heavy 🛌 169120|Nanou ASMR|ASMR Answering Questions While You Fall Asleep 168343|Emma’s Myspace|2 ASMRists fighting over 1 mic (ft. @asmrberlinn) 164528|Nanou ASMR|ASMR Scratching Triggers That’ll Make You Sleep 158094|ASMR Rebecca|Fast and Aggressive ASMR Assessment 🪢 153066|gumoochie|the impossible iq test (asmr) 152738|Soul Flow Vibe Massage|this massage will put you to sleep | real person asmr 140677|ASMR Janina|ASMR Du liegst bei mir im Bett ✨ 140181|The ASMR Ryan|Kind Doctor In-Bed Cranial Nerve Exam | ASMR Medical Roleplay 139631|dakota b asmr|ASMR | Mouth Sounds with 8 Different Microphones 137408|ASMR Rebecca|POV: you need asmr to fall asleep (fast and aggressive) 135484|Luna Bloom ASMR|ASMR For Sleep In The Dark 🌙💟 131819|Chiara ASMR|ASMR LENTISSIMO PER CHI HA BISOGNO DI CALMA 🤍 130459|ASMR Glow|ASMR The Fastest Sleepiest Ear Cleaning 💤 Quick Check & You’re Out
Komunitas
lemmy.ml
It’s clear Trump wants to control all social media within the US. Musk took twitter and turned it into a far right hate speech platform Zuckerberg has a private meeting with Trump. Next day donates $1m to the inaugural fund. Facebook, Instagram and Threads remove fact-checking in the US and Zuckerberg. There’s some very odd fuckery afoot with left searches that are blamed on a technical glitch. Tiktok is threatened with closure. They suddenly align themselves with Trump and the lights stay on. Google’s boss, Sundar Pichai, is lauded and given a seat of honour at Trump’s inauguration. It’s clear there are established links there. Reddit - I don’t know, but Steve Huffman has a /serious/ adoration of Elon Musk and is fond of money and power. If it’s not already in the fold, it will be soon. I’d put money on that we’re already seeing left and anti-trump messages suppressed, and algorithms adjusted to promote division and discord - not just in the US, but globally. We’ll be seeing platforms other than the above attacked and inflitrated constantly by bots and AI. We’ll reach a point where you literally will be talking to yourself if you are against this. Your messages will just disappear to the point where you question your own reality. Shadowbanned online. Is Lemmy safe? No, not remotely. Decentralisation helps somewhat, but when the heavy guns are laying down suppressing fire from bot armies and destablising agendas - or even just being ruled illegal for some made-up reason, decentralisation doesn’t allow you to fight. Jim Morrison said, "“Whoever controls the media controls the mind. The media is the message and the message is me.” The aim here is obvious, and it’s not new. The method is just adjusted for modern day. And truth? Say goodbye to that sucker.
Komunitas
hexbear.net
Even if the slop creators go back to Tiktok, Xiaohongshu is a much better experience. Within a day its algorithm started feeding me pretty much nothing but naturalists excited about plants and camping/hiking. Like Hexbear removing all of reddit’s gamification elements, that’s so much closer to authentic social media. I get much more value comparing native botany with someone in Yunnan than I do from endlessly scrolling a slopified stream of western social media equivalents.
Komunitas
lemy.nl
Na een week met zonnige dagen zijn mensen niet alleen buiten, maar ook online bezig met hoe je het best en snelst bruin kunt worden. Op social media gaat een luchtbed met sproeiers viraal en worden tips gegeven over het best werkende crèmepje. Ook zijn jongeren […]
Komunitas
hexbear.net
It’s very very telling that the bill doesn’t force tik tok to change any of its supposedly unacceptable data harvesting capabilites, it just forces them to sell it to an American owned company so we can reap the benefits instead of them. Unfortunately, as I’ve literally seen stated verbatim multiple times on reddit, people don’t care if governments are controlling social media apps to scrape data for profit and control and moderate content as long as its the US government doing the scraping and controlling.
Komunitas
lemmy.world
Best part is portuguese, it seems kids in Portugal are now speaking with a brazilian accent because most Portuguese videos on youtube/tiktok are made by brazilians lol get reverse colonized suckers
Komunitas
lemy.nl
Het vorig jaar wegbezuinigde programma Kids Top 20 maakt een doorstart op TikTok, maar dan met een nep-presentatrice die is gemaakt met AI. De eerste video’s met deze ‘Jess’ gaan snel rond, al wordt daarbij niet vermeld dat zij niet bestaat. Kijkers en oud-presentatoren zijn zeer kritisch, de producent spreekt van een test.
Komunitas
sh.itjust.works
(TikTok screencap)
Komunitas
news.abolish.capital
By Mision Verdad – May 26, 2026 In the final stretch before the presidential elections of May 31, 2026, Colombia finds itself at one of the most decisive junctures in its recent history. The process has opened up a scenario with three candidates representing divergent visions of democracy and security. While the specter of armed violence casts a shadow over some regions, and the weight of disinformation grows on social media, the electoral race advances with the near-certain prospect of a runoff on June 21. For this first round, 41.4 million Colombians are registered to vote worldwide. The National Civil Registry set up more than 13,000 polling stations and 120,527 voting tables globally. Outside of Colombia, up to 1.4 million people are registered to vote at 2,181 tables—on May 31—and 1,489 tables—from May 25 to 30—distributed across 253 polling stations in 67 countries. Context and candidates’ proposalsThe backdrop is marked by a battle over the narrative that transcends the electoral. Despite the outgoing government of President Gustavo Petro’s Total Peace policy, armed violence has intensified, and nothing suggests that this is coincidental. At the end of April, a bomb attack in the department of Cauca left 21 dead and 56 wounded. In response, the ELN and the Central General Staff—a FARC dissident faction—each announced temporary ceasefires during the electoral day to reduce violence on voting day. This climate of insecurity is the main ideological battleground among the candidates, as reflected in their respective proposals: Iván Cepeda (Historic Pact Party) leads the polls with between 35% and 45% of voting intention. His program “The Power of Truth” proposes three revolutions: ethical, socioeconomic, and political. He seeks to redistribute land to 200,000 peasant families, partially regulate the coca market to weaken cartels, deepen total peace, and ensure potable drinking water as a human right. He presents himself as a continuation of the Petro project, with emphasis on social justice and citizen participation. His vice-presidential candidate is Aída Quilcué, an indigenous leader from Cauca. Abelardo de la Espriella (Defensores de la Patria) polls between 21% and 31%. His “Patria Milagro” plan promises to reduce the state by 40%, eliminate two regulations for every new one enacted, fumigate 330,000 hectares of coca, and create 10 “megaprisons.” Inspired by models such as those of El Salvador’s Bukele and Argentina’s Milei, he favors militarized security, hydrocarbon reactivation, and economic deregulation. His campaign relies heavily on TikTok and social media. His vice-presidential candidate is economist and former Duque minister José Manuel Restrepo. Paloma Valencia (Centro Democrático) puts forward a 10-point plan with five immediate action “bombs”: strengthening the security forces with 30,000 new personnel (Plan 30-30), resolving 10 million backlogged medical appointments, reactivating fossil fuel exploration—including fracking—reforming the pension system and protecting the Amazon with energy royalties. Her discourse is positioned in the institutional center-right, with an emphasis on democratic security and moderate dialogue. Her vice-presidential candidate is economist Juan Carlos Oviedo. Polls and social media: surges, dips, and manipulationPoll trends have been erratic and deeply influenced by digital “dirty war” tactics. According to Colombian media, Cepeda leads the first round by a significant margin, but a coalition between his right-wing rivals would surpass him, making a June 21 runoff virtually inevitable. Based on the polls, forecasts point to a runoff between Cepeda and De la Espriella. The latter could consolidate votes from Uribismo and win in that scenario, though the fragmentation of Uribismo—evidenced by public clashes between Uribe and the disruptive candidate—complicates that convergence. Another relevant factor is social media manipulation. De la Espriella’s surge on platforms such as TikTok has been driven by viral videos and memes that exploit emotion over reason. Experts cited by international media note that politics has shifted from an “emotion-based politics” to an “entertainment politics” in which the candidate who best “performs” on screen dominates the narrative. De la Espriella, despite—or because of—his constant controversies—such as insulting journalists or past bribery accusations—has seen his popularity grow rather than diminish: scandal feeds his image as an “outsider” breaking the status quo. There is also growing concern over a narrative-driven “fraud operation.” Right-wing candidates have cast doubt over the cleanliness of the process, alleging without evidence that the Petro government could attempt to manipulate results. This strategy, similar to those seen in other countries in the region, seeks to delegitimize a potential Cepeda victory and mobilize the anti-Petro electorate under the banner of “defending democracy.” Polls predict that in a hypothetical runoff, Cepeda would be the favorite against De la Espriella, but would lose to Valencia if the right manages to unify—a scenario that demands an alliance realignment in the coming weeks. The polls show a volatile picture. One example is the AtlasIntel poll, commissioned by Semana, which has been questioned for its digital methodology and for demographic weighting variations that overestimate De la Espriella at key moments—such as before the March primaries and in the final stretch—inflating his voting intention to 31% versus 25% under standard weighting. This methodological “black box” has generated debate about transparency in public opinion measurement. **Petro on the double edge: change or fear?**Although Gustavo Petro is not a candidate, his name is in the center of the campaign. With an approval rating close to 50%, the outgoing president is the true influencer of the vote. 72% of Cepeda’s supporters back Petro, suggesting that the election is a referendum on his administration. Petro has used his political capital to boost Cepeda by appearing in interviews with streamers such as Westcol, reaching audiences of millions that his rivals cannot replicate and demonstrating his dominance of the digital ecosystem so prevalent for the youth. The underlying debate, however, is the proposal for a National Constituent Assembly—the idea Petro has promoted as the only way to protect social reforms in health, pensions, and labor that have been blocked by Congress and the Constitutional Court. For the right, represented by Valencia and De la Espriella, this proposal is the “Trojan horse” of socialism, aiming to destroy liberal democracy, centralize power. and pave the way for indefinite reelection. In this sense, the constituent assembly has become the “cornerstone” of polarization. While Cepeda softens his discourse to avoid alarming moderates—assuring that any change will be democratic—the right has doubled down on a fear campaign, warning of threats against both of its candidates and predicting a “regime like Venezuela’s.” The outgoing president functions as a double-edged weapon: he mobilizes the progressive base to defend change but also inspires an opposition that has managed to unite—at least temporarily—the disparate factions of the Colombian right. This tension is reflected in the government plans: Cepeda proposes strengthening citizen constituent power, while Valencia and De la Espriella prioritize reforms within the current constitutional framework, with an emphasis on security and austerity. The result of May 31 will not only determine Petro’s successor but will decide whether his “ethical revolution” dies with his term or deepens under Cepeda’s leadership. The Divided Right in Colombia’s Upcoming Elections (Misión Verdad) Translation: Orinoco Tribune OT/CB/SL From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
Komunitas
news.abolish.capital
By Joseph Soto – May 26, 2026 The implementation of the Democratic Coexistence and Peace Program in Venezuela reopens the debate that is both a hotly contested topic, and largely absent in the national political discussion: sexual and gender diversity. In the context of this process, Acting President Delcy Rodríguez requested the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ) to develop a “doctrine on diversity as a fundamental human right,” with explicit reference to the LGBTQ+ population. This initiative has called on the community to present its demands and actively participate in the spaces of political construction, with the consequent and predictable mobilization of conservative and religious sectors against it. Thus, this situation allows for a critical review of how the issue has been addressed. However, this time, the objective is not to insist on the repeated demands for recognition of LGBT rights by the State, but to formulate a plan that originates from the heart of the Venezuelan population and the varied expressions of sexual diversity activism. Beyond the legal question: the social dimension Venezuela is systematically labeled as a “backward” country in terms of sexual and gender diversity. The term is usually applied because of the absence of a specific legal framework for the LGBTQ+ population, as well as the limited application of the laws that already contemplate non-discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression. Given this situation, two demands are central: marriage equality (or, alternatively, the legal recognition of homoparental families) and the legal change of name and gender for trans people. It should be recalled that in 2014, a Bill for Marriage Equality was presented to the National Assembly, and that since 2009 the Organic Law of the Civil Registry (Article 146) allows legal change of name when it does not align with their gender identity. However, despite the existing legal clauses and the fact that legal actions have already been adopted to adjust identity documents, these initiatives have had little practical application. Moreover, this stagnation conceals a deeper problem: the agenda of sexual diversity has not been able to reach the entirety of Venezuelan society. While the fundamental concerns of the population revolve around the recovery of the socio-economic environment and living in conditions of peace, there persists a social resistance to acknowledging that discrimination exists. This resistance is generally expressed in three recurring ways in public debate and digital spaces. The first is the denial or minimization of the problem, which claims that “nothing is happening here” against the sexually diverse population and reduces their demands to an attempt to draw attention away from more urgent priorities. The second resorts to stigmatization based on religious or moralistic arguments, appealing to the defense of a traditional family order, biological essentialism, or supposed risks to children. The third—frequent even in some leftist sectors—starts from a supposed ethical or intellectual superiority to dismiss the need for a specific normative and institutional framework, under the premise that this struggle fragments the social agenda; a stance that, in practice, only exposes the lack of political will to reflect on the matter and recognize the structural vulnerabilities that affect the LGBTQ+ population. The paradox is evident: how can one claim that there is no discrimination when stigmatizing labels such as “sick,” “deviant,” or “immoral” persist for gender-diverse individuals? Why would it not be a priority to build a minimum level of institutional framework to support a historically marginalized group, with specific socio-economic, labor, health, and security struggles? Can it be argued that protecting the life and full recognition of a sector is not urgent when it lacks the guarantees enjoyed by the rest of the population? From the perspective of legal sociology, this gap is not only normative but also cultural and political, and it represents a fundamental limitation on which sexual and gender diversity activism must act. However, the inaction of the State has been compounded by the subordination of diversity activism to the logics of foreign financing, largely transforming it into project management or ventures with quantitative goals to meet, figures to report to the international “humanitarian” system, and agendas, methodologies, and categories of analysis dictated from outside: a dynamic that has displaced organic discussion and distanced it from popular construction. Recognizing this does not imply yielding or further postponing the legitimate demands of the Venezuelan LGBTIQ+ population. But it does imply understanding that the collective must strengthen its autonomy and coordination around its own political agenda, articulated with the urgencies and challenges that it encounters in the national context, going beyond the sectoral and situational dispute and the assistance-focused approach, to contemplate a vision anchored in historical reality, with a vocation for political construction and long-term social transformation. The challenge: charting a national path In 2019, at the Purple Conversations symposium, historian and university professor Marianela Tovar proposed the need for the sexual-gender diversity collective to develop its own Cartagena Manifesto, referring to the document developed by Liberator Simón Bolívar in 1812. In said manifesto, Bolívar conducts a self-criticism on the political and institutional causes of the fall of the First Republic, prioritizing internal errors over Spanish military power. Thus, he proposes a program of action anchored in the circumstances to overcome the mistakes made and move forward in the process of independence. In this regard, Tovar’s reference invites replicating that exercise of self-criticism to achieve a clear objective. Venezuela’s Acting President Calls For Profound Transformation of the Judicial System (+Sexual Diversity) It is necessary for organized expressions of sexual and gender diversity to build a program that transcends the “queer” discourse, the mere imitation of the struggles in the Global North, and purely identity-based approaches. It is necessary to incorporate a vision oriented toward the particularities and challenges of Venezuela, aware of the political moment the country is going through, capable of influencing the cultural, spiritual, educational, communicational, and legal spheres. This approach must start from the specific and most urgent vulnerabilities of the LGBTQ+ population, as well as the concrete challenges that each of these sectors faces. It involves recognizing the fundamental role of the State in the care and protection of the entire society, without losing sight of recognition policies and demanding an end to the fear of validating other forms of family, desire, identity construction, and gender expressions, with the understanding that homosexual, bisexual, trans, and non-binary people are part of the daily struggles and construction of the country. It is necessary to make LGBTQ+ issues part of the mainstream issues in the defense of fundamental rights for the entire population, such as right to work, salary, education, housing, and health: all aspects that have been severely impacted by years of blockade and the resulting disruption in social investment, due to which the sexual-gender diverse population suffers inequalities that severely limit their access as a result of discrimination. At the same time, it is necessary to set aside the supposedly “self-critical” remark that labels us as “backward”: backward in relation to what? This label is profoundly harmful as it is made in relation to a comparison with foreign models, aspiring to replicate other realities while diverting attention from one’s own context and its historical development and the capacity for political action amid current challenges. In any case, it is a reflection that the activism itself must undertake, but this time it has to be done from the knowledge and sense of belonging of the collective itself. This point of view realizes that remaining in the position of permanent opposition to the State does not allow for real progress, and that it is crucial for LGBTQ+ activism to be truly recognized as an actor and not just as a creditor, in the interest of the subjective reparation that the diversity itself deserves and has to forge for itself. Therefore, yes, it is necessary to achieve a legal framework that guarantees full recognition to LGBTQ+ people as individuals with rights, but it is up to the collective to present to the country a national project that transcends the legal framework and incorporates the demands of sex-gender diversity in a strategic proposal, capable of presenting a vision of society in which we can all see ourselves reflected. (Misión Verdad) Translation: Orinoco Tribune OT/SC/SH From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
Komunitas
aussie.zone
Messages, content and influencers once confined to fringe or radicalised online communities are now showing up in young men’s social media feeds. Young men don’t necessarily seek out this content, the algorithm takes them to it. What’s striking is how these manosphere ideologies show up and spread – embedded within the culturally relevant topics and trends young men care about, such as gaming, fashion, sports and music.
Komunitas
lemy.nl
Op TikTok kan je binnenkort ook in Nederland met één druk op de knop producten kopen, dankzij de nieuwe TikTok Shop-functie. Dat zou het leven makkelijker moeten maken, maar er kleven ook risico’s aan, en de leeftijd van gebruikers wordt niet goed gecontroleerd.
Komunitas
real.lemmy.fan
YOU WON’T BELIEVE THIS FREE TRAVEL HACK coming to TikTok soon
Komunitas
lemy.nl
Dermatologen maken zich zorgen over een online trend onder jongeren: het stapelen van skincareproducten. Op TikTok en Instagram zijn veel filmpjes te vinden waarin influencers soms wel tien of meer huidverzorgingsproducten na elkaar gebruiken. Maar dat is helemaal niet nodig, sterker nog: het kan […]
Komunitas
hexbear.net
The reaction of some people to the video (Hasan Piker especially) actually has me wondering a few things, as far as “worst things to see on the internet” it ranks a solid 5/10 in terms of bloodiness, even those ghoulish “Killing in self-defense/heroes shoot robbers” snuff films they allow on Youtube are more visceral and distressing than Kirk getting domed I can’t come to any other conclusion than the realization that the vast majority of people have no fuckin clue what has taken place in Gaza, and by that I mean they can’t actually visualize what’s happening to Gaza, I think we here on Hexbear because of our access to direct and Arabic news sources have seen things the vast majority of the western left has not I always wondered why so many “leftist” commentators, podcasters, streamers still have this unspoken hesitation and almost unconscious need to abstract the Gaza genocide, while spaces like TikTok inexplicably have the same serious attitude we here on Hexbear have despite TikTok being filled with right-wingers, and it hit me, people on Hexbear and TikTok HAVE SEEN the videos; the burning people, the kids without faces, the babies hanging dead off rebar. The worst that many of the politics Andies have seen are smoke clouds in the distance, people covered in dust, or the New York Times x-rays The fuckin commentariat haven’t seen shit, they either avoid those videos on purpose or most likely they rely on dry articles, journalistic reports and stats to form an opinion, no wonder when I watch their vids they sound sociopathic to me, I saw a kid missing their face and they’re just reading an article, the disconnect is enormous This whole time I thought most of the left was on the same page concerning the visual knowledge of the atrocities, but if people are fainting over a video of a single gunshot wound, then wtf do people really know about what’s happening in Gaza?
Komunitas
lemmy.world
I don’t know who needs to see this but stop using TikTok!
Komunitas
lemy.nl
De populaire app TikTok introduceert TikTok Shop in Nederland. Dat betekent dat je vanaf 15 juni producten die je ziet in de TikTok-video’s direct via de app kunt aanschaffen. Volgens de Consumentenbond kan dat impulsaankopen in de hand werken.
Komunitas
sh.itjust.works
My understanding was rap song (possibly a reference to violence) -> used in TikToks especially basketball -> said by a kid at a basketball game while doing an excited hand gesture -> went viral from that and now kids just shout out for funsies, because kids do silly things.